Monday, July 31, 2023

1955 Revolution: The Attack on the Metropolitan Cathedral

Attack on the Cathedral *


Original source: Guerra Civil 1955. La Revolución Libertadora y la Caída de Perón

   
Assault on the Metropolitan Curia (Courtesy: Fundación Villa Manuelita)

On November 10, 1954, Perón initiated a forceful campaign against the Catholic Church, accusing it of meddling in national politics and inciting opposition to the government. During a lengthy plenary session at the Presidential House in Olivos, he announced his new cabinet members, legislators, union representatives, and leaders from various Peronist organizations. In a speech that lasted several hours, Perón pointed fingers at the Curia for fueling opposition and attempting to destabilize the government. He singled out numerous priests and religious figures, including the bishops of Córdoba and Santa Fe, alleging that they were agitators. Furthermore, he unveiled a series of measures aimed at neutralizing the Church's influence.

The president's actions caused widespread confusion among the population, and even within his own ruling regime, as many initially believed his words were merely rhetoric. However, in the days that followed, it became evident that Perón intended to wage an actual war against the Church.

In this context, Perón presented Law No. 14,394 to Congress, which included the provision for divorce. Additionally, he advocated for the Prophylaxis Law, which encouraged the establishment of brothels and the suspension of religious education in schools. Perón's measures also encompassed banning all processions and ordering the closure of the Catholic newspaper "El Pueblo," founded by Father Federico Grote on April 1, 1900.

When May 1955 marked the end of Catholicism as the official state religion, the public perceived it as the onset of a new era of violence and persecution in Argentina.

On April 25 of the same year, the government entered into a controversial oil contract with Standard Oil Inc. Co. of California, granting them special concessions in the distant governorate of Santa Cruz, including exploitation rights and extraterritorial privileges. This decision was a stark departure from Perón's consistent ten-year rhetoric against the United States, and it was seen as a "surrendering" move, a term that would later be widely used by his opponents a decade later.

The implementation of these new measures created an extremely tense atmosphere in Buenos Aires. Religious persecution, something unprecedented in Argentine society at that time, intensified when the government of La Rioja prohibited the traditional procession with the images of San Nicolás de Bari and the Niño Alcalde, a longstanding practice. This was accompanied by an increase in arrests and layoffs in the public sector. On March 21, 1955, the government passed a law that removed several religious dates from the official calendar, including All Saints' Day, All Souls' Day, Saint Peter and Saint Paul, the Immaculate Conception, and Corpus Christi, replacing them with partisan events, the main one being "Loyalty Day" on October 17. Eduardo Vuletich, general secretary of the CGT, expressed to a crowd gathered in Plaza de Mayo on May 1: "We workers prefer someone who speaks to us in our language rather than one who prays in Latin, facing the altar and turning their back on the people!"

The hostilities continued, and after a massive act where Perón implied that the clerical leadership "had to leave," the Chamber of Deputies abolished the oath "For God and on the Holy Gospels," repealed religious teaching, enacted the Prophylaxis Law, and imposed heavy taxes on Catholic institutions. When the Episcopate read a pastoral letter in churches on April 17, referring to the ongoing events, several priests and Catholic militants were arrested, leading some regime officials to resign in the following days. Slowly, the regime began to show signs of internal division.

The day of the Corpus Christi procession arrived, which since the second foundation of Buenos Aires had been taking place annually in Plaza de Mayo, with the city authorities following the Blessed Sacrament under a canopy, to the Cathedral.

The celebration had been prohibited under Law 14,400, which also designated it as a "Working Day," enabling employers to deduct pay from employees who didn't attend work. Despite this, Catholic groups defiantly worked tirelessly to ensure the event took place.

Recognizing their determination, the government attempted to limit the commemoration to the Cathedral, hoping to quell the fervor. However, this measure failed to deceive the Catholics, who remained undeterred and mobilized their forces to conduct the procession as they had done for centuries. It marked the first time the seemingly invincible Peronist government faced open opposition.

The situation prompted an urgent meeting between government officials and Church representatives. Present were the Minister of the Interior, Ángel Borlenghi; the Minister of Foreign Relations and Worship, Julio Atilio Bramuglia; the Chief of Police, Miguel Gamboa; and representatives of the Metropolitan Curia, including Monsignors Manuel Tato and Ramón Novoa. The government urged the Church not to proceed with the event, citing concerns about potential violence that might be difficult to prevent. However, these arguments did not intimidate the Catholic congregation in the slightest.

On June 11, 1955, at approximately 3:00 p.m., thousands of men, women, and children gathered in front of the Metropolitan Cathedral to partake in the ceremony. Under the leadership of Monsignor Antonio Rocca, the vicar general, the procession carried the Blessed Sacrament under a canopy while the crowd passionately sang religious hymns. It was a truly awe-inspiring demonstration of faith and determination.


Corpus Christ Procession (Gentileza: Fundación Villa Manuelita)

After the evening mass concluded at 6:00 p.m., a lengthy procession of faithful believers proceeded down Avenida de Mayo towards the National Congress, singing the National Anthem and inviting more people to join along the way. Repeatedly, they chanted slogans like "Christ yes, another no," "Catholic Argentina," "Perón or Christ," "Freedom," and "We are also a people." When they reached Congress, the demonstrators stayed for a while before gradually dispersing in various directions. However, some small groups of agitated militants began shouting anti-government slogans and vandalized a plaque near one of the torches on the building, which commemorated Mrs. Eva Perón lighting the flame on October 18, 1950, the Year of the Liberator General San Martín. Another militant threw two plaques inside the building through the large iron doors. Additionally, they graffitied the walls of Av. Callao and Rivadavia with phrases like "Get out Nero," "Christ wins," and "Zoo Nacional," and painted a large cross over the "V" for victory. Despite these incidents, the group eventually withdrew without further disturbances.

However, the situation didn't end there. Commissioner Gamboa had covertly infiltrated individuals into the demonstration with the aim of causing disruptions. Capitalizing on the fervor and passion of the protesters, these infiltrators proceeded to destroy the windows of the confiscated newspaper "La Prensa" and uttered insults against Perón, Evita, the CGT, and the official newspaper "Democracia." They also vandalized the windshields of some cars. Later that night, militants from the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalistas, members of the General Confederation of Labor, and some members of the Peronist police smeared the statues of Sarmiento, Alberdi, Roque Sáenz Peña, and Rivadavia. They also defaced the fronts of the embassies of Israel and Yugoslavia, and later destroyed a vehicle belonging to the embassy of Peru. State Radio spread false information that the religious demonstration had been small in number but highly aggressive, falsely attributing the excesses to elements unrelated to the demonstration.

The worst incident unfolded the following day when the newspapers, led by "Democracia," emblazoned the headline "BETRAYAL" and reported on the burning of the national flag by "clerical mobs."

According to their accounts, "They set the flag of the Homeland ablaze and raised the flag of the Vatican State at Congress. Clerical groups, led by priests in cassocks, not only offended Evita but also vehemently targeted the CGT and the UES. They resorted to violence by shooting at Democracia and La Prensa, committing a series of grave excesses." "El Laborista" also chimed in, stating: "They burned our flag. Oligarchic clerical elements fomented riots in the city, turning against the people." These views were echoed by other media outlets, all known for their sycophantic stance towards the government.

A distressing photo of Perón, flanked by high-ranking government officials, including Borlenghi and Gamboa, standing next to the charred flag, provided a vivid account of the dreadful event, further fueling emotions to a state of extreme agitation.

On Sunday, June 12, rumors spread that Peronist protesters planned to set fire to the Cathedral. In response to the gravity of the situation, groups from Argentine Catholic Action initiated a communication chain to alert the population and called for a rally in Plaza de Mayo to defend the main temple of the capital. Among the first to respond to the call was Florencio José Arnaudo, a young engineering student and rugby player for the Obras Sanitarias Club's first team, who also played a role in the clandestine publication "Verdad." Arnaudo, an exceptional individual with strong leadership qualities, chronicled those days in his book, "The Year the Churches Burned."

Arnaudo arrived at the square with several friends and connected with the organizers. Subsequently, the majority of Catholic Action members gathered on the steps of the Cathedral, prepared to face the unfolding events.

While conversing with a group of affiliates for about an hour, Arnaudo noticed a small column of Peronist protesters approaching the square, shouting, jumping, and chanting slogans in support of their leader. Among them were ordinary, humble residents from the suburbs, but Arnaudo also observed several thugs and provocateurs associated with the General Confederation of Labor. The presence of the latter saddened him more than angered him, and as he pondered the situation, someone urged the defense group to close ranks on the steps to prevent the approaching group from getting closer.

The newcomers yelled, "Clericals, oligarchs! They are all traitors and sell-outs!" The defense group grew in number with time, enough to halt the Peronist march.

As tension mounted, the Peronist demonstration grew in size, outnumbering the approximately one hundred opponents who stood firm with their arms folded and a defiant demeanor on the steps, maintaining their ranks.

-Perón, Perón! – they chanted as the situation became tense.
At that moment, Monsignor Manuel Tato left the Cathedral to give instructions and try to calm things down.

-Nobody say a word! – He ordered-Nobody move! We will only defend ourselves if we are attacked!


At that crucial moment, someone approached Arnaudo and warned him that individuals in gray raincoats (odd attire for a sunny day) were infiltrating the protesters. Arnaudo tried to reassure the informant but inwardly feared that they might be armed members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista (ALN), a formidable justicialist shock force responsible for the fires of 1953 and several violent attacks against the opposition. Meanwhile, Monsignor Tato, in an effort to maintain control, repeatedly ordered the group not to react or make threatening movements unless the situation demanded it. Concerns grew as the first faithful started arriving for the afternoon mass.


Monsignor Manuel Tato

Completely aware of their protective role, the brave Catholic Action militants created gaps in their ranks, allowing the parishioners to pass through and swiftly closing them once they crossed the human fence they had formed.

Suddenly, a jeep carrying two members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista appeared; one drove, while the other distributed flyers. The vehicle stopped in front of the Cathedral, and one of the individuals in a raincoat approached the occupants briefly. Arnaudo's suspicions were confirmed; these gray-clad men were indeed thugs from the group, ready to cause disturbances. However, Arnaudo chose not to raise alarms at that moment. As the tension grew, hours passed until 6:00 p.m. when the services concluded, and people began hurriedly leaving, with a few remaining inside. The decision was made to stand firm in the place.

By that time, the number of Peronists had significantly increased, surrounding their opponents who totaled around five hundred and sixteen people. Out of these, four hundred and thirty-four were men, mostly stationed outside on the steps of the temple, and the remaining sixty-five were women, along with the seventeen priests inside the Cathedral.

As insults and provocations escalated, a brick was thrown from the Peronist ranks, striking a defender in the face. The young blond boy tumbled down the steps, leaving a trail of blood. Shortly after, another Catholic militant fell backward, holding his head. His comrades lifted both wounded individuals and carried them inside the Cathedral while a barrage of stones, bricks, sticks, and bottles rained down on them.

"Inside! Everyone inside!" several voices shouted simultaneously, urging the defenders to retreat. 

Twenty wounded were taken into the Cathedral, entering through the main door, which remained open.

Arnaudo, ensuring everyone was covered, was the last to enter. Inside, numerous arms struggled to close the heavy doors, contending with the Peronists trying to open them from the outside. Gunshots were heard outside while an individual carrying an Argentine flag fought desperately to enter. Arnaudo approached and struck the stout man with thick glasses several times in the face, breaking his glasses and injuring his eye. Despite this, the man persisted and managed to enter, falling to the floor inside the Cathedral, where someone snatched the flag from him. A barrage of blows, sticks, and kicks rained down on him, almost leaving him unconscious.

"Hit him hard, he's from the Alliance!" someone yelled as the people continued to strike him. Fortunately, merciful hands intervened, moving the man to another part of the temple, sparing him from a potential lynching.

Meanwhile, in the atrium, the Peronists kept pressing to open the doors, and the defenders fiercely struggled to keep them closed.





Contrary to popular belief, the man with the glasses was not a member of the Peronist strike force but a Catholic militant named Pin Errecaborde, who had bravely snatched the flag from an attacker in order to protect it inside the temple. When Arnaudo learned the truth, he felt a deep sense of despair and guilt for his actions. Eager to make amends, he quickly inquired about Errecaborde's whereabouts and was directed to the sacristy, where the wounded were being cared for by some women.

In the sacred confines of the Cathedral, chaos reigned as the constant barrage of bricks, iron, and bottles striking against the doors and walls created an ear-splitting cacophony, and blood-curdling screams filled the air. At the entrances, a group of defenders struggled to unlock the main gate, which remained slightly ajar due to a jammed brick. Despite the combined strength of a dozen strong young men, the task proved insurmountable.

Fearing an attack from the Alliance, Arnaudo sprang into action and recklessly thrust part of his body outside to try and remove the obstacle. Unfortunately, a barrage of projectiles prevented him from succeeding. Meanwhile, another group of defenders, led by Humberto Podetti, broke the benches to arm themselves with clubs and prop up the doors. In the midst of the chaos, women rushed back and forth, tending to the wounded.

Eventually, the brick was dislodged, and the front door was closed, nearly coinciding with the voice of Father Menéndez giving instructions from the pulpit.

- Attention, everyone! Attention!

Upon hearing his call, several young people gathered around Arnaudo.

"We need to organize! We must establish order! Choose a leader!"


There was no doubt about it. Arnaudo was the obvious choice, given his stature, physical strength, and level-headedness. At their request, Arnaudo ascended the pulpit and rallied the defenders, directing them to form two groups—one to protect the temple and another to guard the Curia. He appointed Engineer Isidoro Lafuente as the leader of the former and Augusto Rodríguez Larreta, the leader of the Catholic Youth, to lead the latter. Immediately afterward, Arnaudo arranged for the women and wounded to stay in the sacristy. He then inquired if anyone had weapons, but Father Menéndez expressed their non-violent stance and confirmed that firearms were not present.

Despite this, four young men approached Arnaudo as he descended the pulpit steps and informed him that they were carrying weapons. One had a .32 caliber revolver, while the other two had .22 caliber pistols, and the fourth had a compressed air pistol. Though not an impressive arsenal, it was better than nothing.

Outside, the Peronists were attempting to force their way through the doors using a heavy object as a battering ram. Arnaudo quickly headed towards the Curia to assess the situation. On his way, he passed through the sacristy, where he saw several brave women tending to the wounded, some of whom were in critical condition. Despite the danger and the noise from the angry mob and shattered glass, the women continued their tasks with courage. As he crossed the patio, Arnaudo encountered Monsignor Tato, who was rushing to the temple from the Curia.

Inside the Curia, Engineer Lafuente, wounded in the head, was barricading doors and windows with the help of his cousins and dependents. Father Menéndez arrived shortly after, and Arnaudo asked him if there were other entrances to secure. The priest pointed out the garages, causing concern, as no one had noticed them. Arnaudo quickly rushed to the location and was horrified to find the Peronists attempting to break through the gates in the darkness.

- "Lafuente!" he yelled desperately, calling for Lafuente.
Lafuente hurried to the scene, but before he could take any action, several bricks crashed through the windows in that sector.

"We need to prop up the doors urgently!" Arnaudo exclaimed. A young Navy officer stepped forward, offering his assistance. "Take ten men immediately and shore up that entrance," Lafuente ordered, pointing to the garage entrances.

As the sailor left to follow the directive, Arnaudo armed himself with an improvised club and returned to the Curia's courtyard. A young man stopped him, sharing alarming news that ten thousand CGT workers were marching towards the location, armed and prepared for anything. In response, someone suggested ringing the bells, a proposal that everyone agreed upon. Several individuals rushed to the bell tower's door and, after finding it locked, Captain Eduardo García Puló gave it a powerful kick, causing it to swing open violently. The clamor of the battle now joined the ringing of the bells, a clear plea for help from the defenders.

The Peronists focused their attack on the Curia, believing it to be a vulnerable point of entry. Observers positioned by Arnaudo on rooftops and roofs noticed that the mob had commandeered a car and was using it as a battering ram to repeatedly strike the gates. In doing so, they set the gates on fire, causing the flames to spread towards the building. Members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista and the CGT brandished their weapons and started shooting at anyone who appeared or passed through the openings of the Curia. To protect their lives, Arnaudo ordered all lights to be turned off and instructed everyone not to look outside, knowing that the assailants were shooting with lethal intent.

During this tense moment, a telephone in one of the adjoining rooms kept ringing incessantly. Despite the serious situation, a young boy nearby, thinking it might be an urgent call, opened the door and answered the phone. To his surprise, an anxious "package" lady asked if it was true that the Cathedral was on fire (2). This odd situation momentarily eased tensions and brought some laughter among the defenders. However, their respite was brief, as the Peronists intensified their assault.

Back in the sacristy, Arnaudo encountered Dr. Tomás Casares, a well-known Catholic militant and thinker, who continued to perform the functions of Minister of the Supreme Court of Justice at the express request of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Casares informed Arnaudo that he had just spoken with the police authorities and the head of the Grenadier Regiment on Horseback, demanding their mediation.

"Listen to me, young man," the doctor said to Arnaudo, "as the one in command, if any authorities from the police or the Army arrive, you must notify me immediately, do you understand? Immediately!"

"Yes, Doctor!" Arnaudo responded.
At that point, it became evident that the efforts of the thousand assailants to seize the Cathedral were futile. The defenders, courageously led by Arnaudo, held their ground valiantly, while the Plaza de Mayo filled with onlookers who had come to observe the unfolding events.

Around 9:30 p.m., firefighters and policemen arrived—the former to control the fire and the latter to disperse the Catholic protesters gathered in San Martín and Diagonal Norte, who were demonstrating in support of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Church, and freedom. At that precise moment, after three and a half hours of fighting, the attack ceased. The police approached the doors of the building to communicate with Monsignor Tato and Dr. Casares, while the defenders awaited expectantly inside the temple and the Curia.

Following the dialogue, Casares approached Arnaudo and informed him that everything was now over. The law enforcement officers would guard the place, and the defenders needed to hand over their weapons. Arnaudo and his brave comrades proceeded to deliver their "arsenal"—the .32 revolver, the two .22 pistols, and the compressed air pistol.

In the midst of these events, Arnaudo rushed to a telephone to call his father and notify him of what had happened (3). He also instructed his father to go to the library, retrieve the complete works of Chesterton, and destroy a piece of paper with addresses written on it.

He feared that during a potential raid later that day, this compromising "document" could be discovered, implicating everyone listed in it.

Almost at the same moment that Arnaudo was about to relinquish his position to a comrade, his friend and fellow student, Gastón Bordelois, who had recently been released from prison, approached him with a potential escape plan through the roofs. Arnaudo expressed gratitude for the information but felt it was his responsibility as the head of the defense to remain in his place. Nevertheless, he instructed Bordelois and his other friend, Humberto Podetti, to leave as soon as possible to continue editing "Verdad," their clandestine publication in opposition to Perón's persecution of the Church.

Despite their attempts, neither Podetti nor Bordelois managed to escape, as police officers blocked their way. Podetti returned to Arnaudo, but Bordelois managed to hide, avoiding detection.

During the turmoil, Monsignor Novoa led about fifteen boys to a secret room behind a false panel on the second level of the library, instructing them to remain hidden due to their compromised situations. Some were doing military service and belonged to the Military College and the Naval Academy. (4)

Around 11:00 p.m., Judge Carlos A. Gentile arrived with an arrest warrant for all the defenders, a move that Dr. Casares, who was trying to prevent going to jail, attempted to intercede against. However, his efforts were in vain.

"Abide by the order," he ordered with a sorrowful voice, addressing the defenders. "There is nothing more that can be done."
Monsignor Tato then asked the defenders to comply meekly and not create difficulties, assuring them that they would only be imprisoned for a few hours, as efforts to secure their release would begin shortly. At midnight, he invited everyone to receive Communion, not only to provide spiritual comfort to the brave souls but also to safeguard the Tabernacle and the consecrated hosts from potential desecration.

Men and women lined up, one by one, leaving the historic Cathedral—a tomb of the Liberator of America, the Unknown Soldier of their Independence, and a place of significant historical, artistic, and spiritual value (5). Inside police trucks, although satisfied with their fulfilled duty and comforted by Holy Communion, this small group of Spartans was taken to the National Penitentiary under severe custody and strict surveillance.

Notes

1 Years later actor, comedian and ephemeral priest.
 

2 Florencio Arnaudo, El año que quemaron las iglesias, Cap. XVII “La defensa de la Catedral”.
 

3 Ditto.
 

4 The room would disappear five days later when the Curia it was set on fire by angry mobs, after the aerial bombardment of the capital.

5 The women and priests were released after their names and document numbers were taken.

* Most of the information was taken from  El año que quemaron las iglesias, de Florencio Arnaudo and La Revolución del 55, Book I, Isidoro Ruiz Moreno.



Sunday, July 30, 2023

1955 Revolution: The Prelude

Liberating Revolution: The Beginnings

Liberating Revolution: The prolegomena

Origina source: 1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón



The ruling party in Argentina had created a climate of violence since coming to power. In 1951, before the upcoming elections on November 11, a group of high-ranking military leaders led by General Benjamín Menéndez began a secret plot to overthrow Perón. However, as the plot dragged on, some of the conspirators began to grow impatient.

The conspirators included Generals Eduardo Lonardi, Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, and Eneas Colombo; Colonels Juan Carlos Lorio and Arturo Ossorio Arana; and Lieutenant Colonels Bernardino Labayru, Luis Leguizamón Martínez, and Emilio Bonnecarrere.

The appointment of General Aramburu as military attaché to the Argentine embassy in Brazil caused some anxiety among the conspirators, who believed that the authorities had become aware of their plans. As a result, events began to unfold quickly.


  


General Menéndez, who was retired at the time, decided to act immediately. He synchronized his movements with his counterparts in the Navy and Air Force, and at dawn on September 28, he appeared dressed in his combat uniform at the Campo de Mayo Cavalry School. He contacted the captains and lieutenants who followed him, including Julio Alsogaray and Alejandro Agustín Lanusse, and told them to gather at the 8th Cavalry Regiment. Their mission was to take over the unit.

The rebels took control of the regiment and boarded the armored vehicles. They positioned the vehicles in front of the Officers' Casino and opened fire. Corporal Miguel Farina, a member of the government forces, was killed in the shooting, and Captain Rómulo Félix Menéndez, the son of the rebel leader, was wounded.

At 7:25 AM, Colonel Dalmiro Videla Balaguer, the director of the Military Lyceum, called his superiors to warn them that there was irregular activity taking place at the nearby regiment. In response, General Franklin Lucero, the Minister of the Army, took a series of urgent measures to neutralize the movement.



In front of the Jockey Club on Florida street

Menéndez led a convoy consisting of three tanks, five half-tracks, and several trucks carrying troops. They departed from Campo de Mayo towards the El Palomar Air Base, which had been taken over by Brigadiers Guillermo Zinny and Samuel Guaycochea at that time.

Simultaneously, from Villa Reynolds in San Luis province, fighter planes of the V Air Brigade, under the command of Vice Commodore Jorge Rojas Silveyra, took off to attack the rebel forces in Buenos Aires. The Punta Indio Naval Air Base was already in the hands of Navy Captain Vicente Baroja, who embarked on an AT-6 single-seater aircraft with Lieutenant Commander Siro de Martini, aiming to prevent Perón from fleeing the capital.

Upon arriving in Buenos Aires, Baroja engaged in a brief skirmish, suspecting that the president might be aboard a De Havilland Dove transport plane that was taxiing on the main runway with apparent intentions to escape. Baroja attempted to drop two 50-kilogram bombs at the aircraft, but it managed to evade the attack skillfully piloted by Commodore Luis A. Lapuente, who then flew at low altitude through the buildings of Barrio Norte and headed southwest.

During this time, access to the Federal Capital was blocked with trucks, buses, and barricades, while the Army established surveillance posts across the city. Menéndez realized that the units intended to join the uprising had not acted, leading him to understand that the coup had failed. Despite his determination to continue towards Buenos Aires to confront Perón or meet his fate, his column had to stop in San Isidro due to a lack of fuel. With no other option, Menéndez surrendered to the authorities, knowing he could face execution. The revolution had failed.

As news spread, many of the plotters attempted to escape to Uruguay aboard an Air Force transport from El Palomar, followed by Baroja and De Martín in their respective planes. This marked the end of the first uprising against the Peronist regime, a failed prelude to the events that would unfold four years later.

The next day, President Perón, in a fiery speech delivered before an enthusiastic crowd from the balconies of the Government House, declared a state of internal war throughout the Nation and threatened to execute the rebel leaders. Ultimately, he did not carry out the threat.



Gen. Benjamin Menendez

Benjamín Menéndez, a courageous cavalry general recently graduated from the Military College, played an active role in the conquest of Chaco but was later detained, along with his followers, at the Tierra del Fuego prison. Some versions suggest that Eva Perón repeatedly urged her husband to use force against the rebels, but he considered it imprudent and rejected her request.

Tragically, the violence did not end there. On April 15, 1953, during another passionate speech by Perón in Plaza de Mayo, three high-powered devices exploded, resulting in the deaths of six demonstrators and injuries to ninety-three others. The gravity of these events spurred the President to further incite the crowd, leading enraged mobs to attack the headquarters of opposition parties across the city.

On that fateful day, the Casa del Pueblo, a stronghold of the Socialist Party on Rivadavia Avenue, was set on fire, as was the Radical House on Tucumán Street and the headquarters of the Democratic (Conservative) Party at Rodríguez Peña 525. Additionally, the prestigious Jockey Club building on Florida Street succumbed to the flames and burned for two days.

Amidst the chaos, numerous works of art and historical artifacts were lost forever. The library of the Casa del Pueblo, which included collections donated by Juan B. Justo himself, vanished in the blaze, along with historical objects from the National Democratic Party and the treasures of the Jockey Club. Among the lost treasures were the renowned Diana Cazadora sculpture by Falgueriés, acquired exclusively for the club by Aristóbulo del Valle, various valuable paintings, including one of its founder Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, and part of its extensive library, considered one of the most complete in Buenos Aires.

Despite the destruction, firefighters made little effort to extinguish the fires, only prioritizing the protection of neighboring buildings. Similarly, the police took no action, allowing the vandals to act with impunity and destroy everything in their path. The tragic events of that day left an indelible mark on Argentine history.

The next day, Dr. Manuel V. Ordóñez, who had traveled to Rome expressly to refer to what was happening in Argentina, was received by Pope Pius XII who, the first thing he said when he saw him was:

- Do you know what has happened?
-No, Your Holiness – answered Ordóñez.
-The library of the Jockey Club has been set on fire – the Pontiff replied, dismayed, adding – I am deeply saddened. Priceless works have been lost there.

What the Holy Father and a good part of public opinion were unaware of was that, fortunately for posterity, a part of that collection and several volumes from the library had been rescued from the flames and placed under protection.
From then on, Perón's phrases became increasingly violent and brutal: "I ask you not to burn anymore or do any more of those things because when it's time to burn, I'm going to go out at your head to burn ! Then, if necessary, history will remember the biggest bonfire that humanity has kindled to this day! (May 7, 1953); "They ask me for firewood...why don't you start giving it?!"; "We're going to have to go back to the time of carrying bale wire in your pocket!" or "For every one of ours that falls, five of them will fall!"
That was the atmosphere that prevailed in Buenos Aires when the events that we are going to relate below broke out. Such irresponsible expressions did nothing more than precipitate the events and lead Argentine society to chaos and civil conflict. The regime was slowly weakening and tension began to take over society.


This old photograph shows the actions of the firefighters on the burned down headquarters of the Jockey Club


La Casa del Pueblo - Headquarters of the Socialist Party after the attack


To be continued...

Friday, July 28, 2023

Conquest of the Desert: The last raid on Bahia Blanca



The last raid on Bahía Blanca

In the early morning of May 19, 1859, Bahía Blanca was invaded by three thousand spears belonging to the cacique Calfucurá, in what meant the last great raid.

Oscar Fernando Larrosa


It is assumed that Calfucurá orchestrated this raid, called 'malón' in Spanish, a tactic employed by the Araucanian people in their incursion into colonizing populations. The motivation behind this action is believed to be the recent death of his son-in-law Yanquetruz, who was killed in a hardware and bar store in Bahía Blanca.



Argentine Protective Fortress

The notorious cacique, Yanquetruz, gained infamy for his atrocities, which included murder and the plundering of captives and cattle, later sold in Chile. To grasp the magnitude of these Pampas pirates' activities, consider that four years prior, during a raid in the Tandil area, they rustled 20,000 cows and took numerous captives, leaving behind a trail of death and devastation.

In approximately 1857, Yanquetruz made a peace treaty with the Army, vowing to cease raiding activities. However, his reputation for reckless, alcohol-fueled binges, inevitably resulting in violence and bloodshed, endured.

During one of these inebriated episodes, at Silva's hardware store, located near the Argentine Protective Fortress in Bahía Blanca, a fierce brawl erupted. Tragically, National Guard officer Jacinto Méndez fatally stabbed Yanquetruz.


The Return of the Malon: Angel Della Valle

Calfucurá's deep-seated hatred for Yanquetruz led to several confrontations and betrayals between the two, but it was Yanquetruz's demise that provided him with the perfect pretext to launch an assault and conquer the Bahía Blanca Fortress.

On the morning of May 19, 1859, Calfucurá, accompanied by his formidable captains Guayquil, Antelef, and a fierce contingent of 3,000 battle-hardened Indians, stealthily entered the Giménez marsh (now known as Mayo Park) and effectively encircled the Fort.

Although a vigilant neighbor, "Gallego" Mora, alerted the Fort of the impending attack, the Fort's leader opted to retreat inside the stronghold, taking only a portion of the population with him. Seizing the opportunity, a large group of the indigenous forces launched an aggressive assault, setting fire to Francisco Iturra's grocery store and plundering all the alcohol they could find. Their triumph seemed certain, and they indulged in drunken revelry to celebrate their anticipated victory.



Bahía Blanca around 1860

A swift and courageous defense led by Commander Juan Charlone of the Italian Legion and the National Guards, stationed in front of the Iturra grocery store, caught the Indians by surprise, ultimately disrupting the attack after several hours of intense combat.

The outcome was a staggering toll of approximately 200 fallen Indians, their bodies solemnly laid to rest on a pyre in the plaza by Colonel José Orquera, the head of the Fortress. For the remaining India troops (indiada), they withdrew several kilometers away and sought solace in indulging in a barbecue feast, utilizing some cows they had managed to conceal.

This marked the final raid on Bahía Blanca carried out by the so-called "original peoples," who were essentially bands of looters that traded stolen goods in Chile, pillaging from those who toiled to civilize the land.


Yanquetruz

Testimonies from individuals who experienced that dreadful night provide chilling accounts:

Bernardo Mordeglia, a resident, recalls,

"It was a calm and bitterly cold night, without a breath of wind, when the news arrived, brought to the town by soldiers and Mr. Mora, warning of an impending Malón Indian invasion. Unfortunately, little attention was paid to the warning... The town was abruptly awakened at 5 in the morning by the bloodcurdling cries of Calfucurá, rallying nearly three thousand Indians to attack the town."

He goes on to recount that the Indians ransacked the Iturra premises and indulged in drunkenness, a circumstance he believes ultimately saved the city. Despite putting up a heroic resistance, the attackers eventually decided to retreat. Mordeglia reflects,

"By 9 at night, the Indians were feasting on roasted meat and leather in Saladillo, meat they barbarically stole from Bahía Blanca. The town was engulfed in mourning, cries of despair, desolation, and terror."

Andrea Laborda de Mora, the wife of the person who raised the alarm about the raid, recollects,

"The fury of the battle reached its pinnacle at the corner of Zelarrayán and [what is today]19 de Mayo streets. Later, when the town had calmed down, Commander Orquera, responsible for the fort where we had sought refuge, ordered the collection of the indigenous bodies, which were piled up in today's Plaza Rivadavia. At noon, the bugle sounded, drawing the neighborhood to the barracks, where a solemn bonfire blazed, consuming the bodies of the fallen indigenous warriors, victims of a savage chief's wrath."

Wednesday, July 26, 2023

Patagonia: Araucanian tribes exterminated Aonikenk original nation

So-called Mapuches exterminated original Aonikenk in Patagonia

Actual Río Negro




"Roca did not lead a private campaign in 1879. He assumed the role of commander-in-chief of the National Army to carry out a mission entrusted to him by Avellaneda, the president of the Argentine Nation, who had been democratically elected by the people. This campaign aimed to integrate and effectively incorporate into the Argentine geography nearly half of the territories that historically belonged to Argentina but were under the control of the Araucanian raid, characterized by the theft of cattle, women, and the provocation of fires.

The Araucanians, now known as Mapuches, arrived in Argentina around 1830, long after the Argentine Nation had already gained its independence and sovereignty. Hence, they were considered invaders. The initial group of invaders, led by Yanquetruz, consisted of approximately 100 indigenous people who settled in Neuquén and later expanded to the south and north.

The true genocide occurred when the Araucanians annihilated the Guenaken, also known as Tehuelches, who were the authentic aborigines of Northern Patagonia.

As of now, as Argentines, they possess all the rights that other Argentines have, but they cannot manipulate history to lay claim to lands that never rightfully belonged to them.

  1. In 1879, Cafulcurá's troops were formidable, evident from their initial victories against the National Army. 
  2. Both sides were equipped with Remington rifles. The Araucanians obtained these rifles from Chile, where the English traded them in exchange for Argentine cattle stolen during raids. In response, General Villegas led a National Army column with the aim of closing and controlling the Andean passes through which the Remington rifles reached the Araucanians.
  3. Traditionally, the Araucanian Indians were known for their warlike nature. In the early stages of Spanish conquest, they devastated several significant cities in Chile, and it took the Chileans centuries to reclaim these territories.
  4. Around the year 1250, the Araucanians expanded northwards and destroyed the Tiahuanaco Empire, which was larger and more advanced than the subsequent Inca Empire that emerged around 1280.
  5. The current use of the term "Mapuche" and the deceptive practices employed by some to distort history are aimed at disintegrating and weakening national identity, with ulterior motives that do not serve the greater good."

Araucanians and Tehuelches


The notion of Mapuches is a fabrication that originated from the British Foreign Office.

Neither Rosas nor Roca mentioned them during the Desert Campaign, and they are absent from historical accounts, including the famous expedition to the Ranqueles Indians. Moreover, the official history, as well as the history museums of provinces such as Neuquén, Santa Cruz, Chubut, Río Negro, Mendoza, and San Juan, make no reference to them.

When did these so-called Mapuches emerge? Their flag bears resemblance to the post-apartheid South African flag, as they previously associated themselves with Mandela, and now they attempt to claim a heritage that is not their own. The true native inhabitants of these lands are the Tehuelches and Araucanos.

Let it be clear that Roca's expedition was primarily aimed at defending Argentina's sovereignty over Patagonia against Chile, not solely directed at the indigenous people, as some claim. At that time, approximately 90% of Chile's population was of indigenous origin, which holds significant historical importance. In essence, our country was protecting Patagonia from Chilean caciques who sought to claim it as their own.

According to the Salvat Encyclopedia — Dictionary — Edited in Barcelona — 1972:

MAPUCHE: Adjective - Referring to something or someone from Arauco - A province in Chile.
Masculine - The language of the Araucanians.

TEHUELCHE: Adjective and noun - Describing individuals from an Amerindian hunting tribe that, along with other groups, formed part of the so-called "Culture of the Pampas" in Argentina and Uruguay. They were largely decimated by Spanish conquerors and the Araucanians, and only a few groups remain in Tierra del Fuego.

Today, all of us born on this native soil are Argentines, and there is no room for false claims of indigenous ancestry or non-existent original peoples. Prior to the 16th century, Hispanic blood had already been present throughout Argentine territory, and the Tehuelche ethnic groups inhabited Patagonia.

The invention of the "Mapuche" identity only emerged in the 19th century. I emphasize that today we are all Argentines, and no one has the right to lay claim to ethnic groups or peoples other than those that belong to Argentina. Any such attempt would be tantamount to supporting the efforts of English, American, and Israeli interests to dismantle and weaken our beloved homeland.

The propagation of the Mapuche ideology, driven by Marxists who have turned indigenism into a state matter, must be challenged at its core. Regrettably, not only venal politicians and journalists paid by the system contribute to disseminating this infamous falsehood, but some have also been misled, not always out of innocence.

Even bishops and priests, adhering to Third World positions, promote these untruths without question, perpetuating these fallacies.

They have gone to the unimaginable extent of misleading Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, asserting that the revered Saint Ceferino was Mapuche rather than Tehuelche. It is difficult to believe that the Patagonian bishops were unaware of the deceitful nature of this maneuver, considering their elevated positions within the hierarchy and presumably, their knowledge of the general history of their homeland.

Let us fully utilize the incredible medium of technology to rectify the misconceptions of many Argentines on critical matters like the one at hand."

Source: Courtesy - Eduardo A. Castro

Author: Fredy Carbano

 

Friday, July 21, 2023

Argentine Confederation: Paraná War

Paraná War

Revisionistas





Patricios in Vuelta de Obligado in El Tonelero



After the Vuelta de Obligado combat, the allied forces that disembarked there with the intention of entering, had been overwhelmed in the months of December and January by those of Colonel Thorne, who commanded the line of observation on the coast. On February 2, 1846, the allies landed 300 soldiers protected by the artillery of their ships anchored on the coast. Thorne deployed against them a strong guerrilla, and after a heavy firefight he fell upon them with two companies of artillery and 50 lancers, forcing them to re-embark.(1)

General Mansilla conveniently placed his flying artillery on the coast of San Nicolás del Rosario, San Lorenzo and Tonelero, and came to personally lead the resistance to the passage of the convoy of those who speculated on the war and in favor of the progress of the intervention. On January 9, the ships of the convoy arrived at the port of Acevedo. Mansilla pointed his cannons against them. Four British and French ships anchored in front of him, responding with their large-caliber artillery. Thus they protected the path of the convoy, which moved away from the coast and towards an island interposed in front of the Mansilla position. In the impossibility of harassing it through the islands that rose between the two coasts at that height of the Paraná, Mansilla followed the convoy by land to verify it where it was within range.

In the ravines of the coast they appeared between the convent of San Lorenzo and Punta del Quebracho, Mansilla had placed eight cannons hidden under piles of brush, 250 police officers and 100 infantrymen in the ravines of the coast arrived between the convent of San Lorenzo and Punta del Quebracho.

At noon on January 16, the steamer Gorgon, the corvette Expeditive, the brigs Dolphin, King and two armed schooners appeared in the Colony, which mounted 37 large-caliber guns and accompanied 52 merchant ships. When facing San Lorenzo, the Expeditive and the Gorgon fired three shots with bullets and shrapnel over the coast to discover the Mansilla force. The Argentine soldiers remained hidden in their post, according to the order received. When the entire convoy found itself in the narrowness of the river that runs upstream from San Lorenzo, Mansilla ordered the fire of his batteries led by captains José Serezo, Santiago Maurice and Alvaro de Alzogaray to break. The attack was accurate; The dismantled merchant ships headed towards two nearby streams, increasing with the collision of one with the other the damages caused by the land cannons.

At four in the afternoon the combat was still going strong, and the convoy did not make up for what it had done with its great damages. Favored by the stern wind and behind the ships that incessantly vomited deadly fire, he approached the Quebracho. Here Mansilla reconcentrated his forces and fought until late afternoon, when, dismounted their cannons and neutralized their rifle fire by the enemy cannon, the convoy was able to save Punta Quebracho, with major damage to the warships, considerable losses in manufacturing, and 50 men out of action. Rear Admiral Inglefield, in his official part to the British Admiralty says that “the English and French steamers held their fire for more than three and a half hours; and hardly a single ship in the convoy left without receiving a bullet.”

The loss of the Argentines was insignificant this time, and Mansilla could correctly say that he had had the honor of defending the flag of his country in the same place of San Lorenzo that San Martín watered with his blood when leading the first charge of his later famous Horse Grenadiers.(2)

As can be seen, the allies did not continue their conquest in Argentine interior waters with impunity. It is true that Mansilla, complying with strict government orders, incessantly covered the extensive coast that he defended, making his few cannons thunder wherever those within range appeared. That was how he outwitted them in their landing attempts after Obligado and San Lorenzo. On February 10, immediately after failing in one of these attempts, the English warships Alecto and Gordon bombarded the Cooper field for three hours with bullets a la Paixhans 64. The artillery and infantry of the Argentines commanded by Major Manuel Virto responded boldly, and they only managed to kill some militiamen, set fire to two guns, and destroy the huts and trees that had . (3) A few days later they renewed hostilities without much success. On April 2, Philomel arrived in front of Quebracho. Lieutenant Colonel Thorne brought his guns upon them, but as the Philomel fled downstream, he tied three pieces of 8's to the girths of his horses and ran up the coast to catch up with her; which he could not verify because the French ship was at full sail and current. On the 6th, the same Thorne battery held another combat with the English warship Alecto, which passed through the Quebracho towing three schooners. The English had some deaths and their ship came out badly damaged.

On the 19th, after another battle, Mansilla managed to dam the Federal pailebot, taken by the allies in Obligado. When informing the government of this event, sending the conquered English flag, and under the relation, all the camera baggage of the former commander of the prized pailebot Carlos G. Fegen, Mansilla added in his note: "The Anglo-French will see the difference that exists between the looting of the baggage of the brave Obligado men who called themselves civilizers, and the conduct of the federals who defend their homeland and respect even the spoils of their enemies." On the 21st, Thorne still had to sustain another two-hour battle with the English ship Lizard, which he riddled with bullets, turning over the flag that was flying at the top and leaving it almost useless for new operations. “The enemy, says Lieutenant Tylden, who commanded the Lizard, on his part to Captain Hotham, capsized our fo'c'sle piece; and their terrible shrapnel and musket fire, sifting the ship from stem to stern, forced me to order the officers and crew to go down…. The Lizard received thirty-five cannonballs and shrapnel, The list of the dead and wounded is in the margin….”(4)

Simultaneously with these combats on the north coast, the blockade ships from the south coast forced the port of Ensenada at dawn on April 21 and organized a landing column, which was rejected by the batteries on that coast under the command of General Prudencio de Rozas. Then the allies entered the bay with blood and fire; they seized the best that they found on board the neutral ships there, and set fire to several of these ships with the cargo they contained. Four days later, an English midshipman in charge of practicing reconnaissance, entered the nearby port of La Atalaya in a boat with a small cannon at the bow and 15 armed men, and held a firefight with the party that garrisoned the point. As he ran aground when he wanted to retire, he raised the flag of parliament and was received ashore by the Argentine chief, who sent a boat with eight men to bring the English crew. This fired a fire that was answered, and in the confusion the officer was killed.(5)

In the presence of the fire and violence perpetrated by the allies in Ensenada, the Argentine government issued a decree of reprisals, in which "constituting itself the duty to save this society, no less than the neutral and Argentine properties from such fires and depredations" proscribed by civilization; and without prejudice to adopting other measures for the future in case the same scandalous attacks are repeated by the naval forces of England and France, it established that the commanders, officers or individuals of the crews of the ships or warships of said two powers, who were apprehended in any of the ports and rivers of the Province, either for violently removing national or foreign ships, or for burning or looting them, would be punished as arsonists with the penalty prescribed for them in the general laws.(6)

The warlike intervention did not, then, resolve the situation in favor of the allies, no matter how much Great Britain and France trusted in their powerful military elements, in the resources of their diplomacy and in the propaganda and efforts of the unitary émigrés and the government of Montevideo. The Argentine government remained firm defending the soil and the rights of the Confederation; and the intervention no longer had a rigorous measure to use against him to reduce him. The only thing left to do was double or triple the naval forces of both powers, and bombard and occupy Buenos Aires. The latter had been the subject of consultation in London and Paris; and if Admirals Lainé and Inglefield had not carried it out, it was because they did not resign themselves to immediately presenting proof of an impotence very similar to defeat, when in their immeasurable pride there was no room for the magnitude of their exploits in Malta, in Acre, in Mojador, in San Juan de Ulloa. They were no longer deceived about this; and the same opinion had been generalized among the English and French officers, to such an extent that several of them did not hide their fears that the mercantile expedition that was to go down the Paraná, protected by the squadrons of the intervening powers, would suffer a disaster. "Rosas is setting up batteries along the ravines between us and Obligado," wrote Lieutenant Robins, of the Firebrand frigate up in the Santa Fe descent; “If there is not a strong division below with ground forces to drive the men out of the ravine, they will scuttle some of the ships in the convoy and probably do great damage to the men-of-war. We have entered very soon upriver. We have taken a position that we cannot hold without many fortified positions. If the Province of Buenos Aires is attacked, the attack must be made in Forced. The country is open and suitable for reorganizing troops..." "The San Martín -wrote Lieutenant Marelly- surged in the descent of Santa Fe awaiting the convoy that had to leave Corrientes, after this campaign it will not be able to do more services without very expensive repairs. We are very concerned about the batteries that Rosas raises against us in San Lorenzo…”. (7)

The accuracy of these observations was revealed very soon. The ships that had passed to Corrientes loaded together with others, on behalf of merchants from there and from Montevideo and even the government of this place and the intervening ministers, and set sail to lower the Paraná protected by the combined squadrons. On May 9 they anchored in an inlet about two leagues from the positions that Mansilla had taken in Quebracho. On the 28th, Mansilla ran along the coast with two howitzers, and fired a few bullets at them, forcing them to retreat upstream, in the midst of the confusion resulting from this operation, whose main objective was to temper the spirit of the novice soldiers who executed it. On June 4, favored by the north wind, the entire convoy of the allies faced the Quebracho position, made up of 95 merchant ships and 12 warships, namely: steamers Firebrand, Gorgon, Alecto, Lizard, Harpy, Gazendi and Fulton; brigantines schooners Dolphin and Procida; brigantines San Martín and Fanny, and corvette Coquette, which mounted 85 cannons of caliber 24 to 80, plus a battery of three rockets à la Congreve that had been placed the night before on an islet to the left of that position.

The Mansilla line was supported by 17 cannons, 600 infantry soldiers and 150 police officers, positioned as follows: to the right a battery and pickets from the San Nicolás y Patricios de Buenos Aires battalion under the command of Major Virto; in the center two batteries and two companies of infantry under Colonel Thorne; to the left another battery and the rest of the Santa Coloma regiment, under the command of this chief; in the reserve 200 infantry, two squadrons of lancers from Santa Fe and the general's escort. In such circumstances, Mansilla reminded his soldiers of their duty to defend the rights of the homeland, already fulfilled in Obligado, Acevedo and San Lorenzo. And taking the national flag and shouting "Long live the sovereign Argentine independence!" He ordered the voice of the homeland to thunder through his cannons, when the allied squadrons had already lined up his powerful artillery against him so that the ships of the convoy could pass through the rear. The sustained fire of the Argentines made the allies falter and wreaked havoc on the merchant ships, some of which ran aground to get to safety, or were torn to pieces when they collided with each other in the narrowness of the river for fleeing too soon. At 1 p.m., after two hours of fighting, the convoy was still unable to save the fires of Thorne's batteries.

Firebrand, Gazendi, Gorgon, Harpy, and Alecto retreat to cover the most engaged line of ships. But, seeing, after another hour of bitter combat, that this was fruitless and that everyone was running a great risk, they set fire to those who could and rushed down the river with the rest. This combat was a significant defeat for the allies; for not only did they suffer more considerable losses than in Obligado, without inferring them on their part to the Argentines, but they also became convinced that they could not navigate the interior waters of the Confederation with impunity by force. They counted about 60 men out of combat and lost a boat, three schooners and a pailebot loaded with merchandise worth one hundred thousand dollars, part of which Mansilla saved by managing to put out the fire of the pailebot. Of the Argentines, only Thorne fell, wounded in the back by a shrapnel helmet, and some soldiers. “The fire was sustained with great determination, –says Lieutenant Proctor in his part to Captain Hotham- we were pursued by flying artillery and by a considerable number of troops that covered the banks making live musketry fire at us. The Harpy is pretty much destroyed; it has many bullets in the hull, chimneys and tops” Captain Hotham himself, in his report to Admiral Inglefield dated May 30 on board the Gorgon, accompanying the list of English and French dead and wounded in Quebracho, declares that “the ships have suffered many”. (8)

The convoy of the allies was awaited with great interest by the merchants of Montevideo, who promised themselves huge profits given the scarcity of many of the products of Corrientes and Paraguay that was felt in that place. The losses and failures suffered in the Quebracho visibly increased the discontent of the main merchants in whose hands was the fate of the Government of Montevideo, and who, as shareholders of the company buying the customs rights under the guarantee of the ministers Ouseley and Deffaudis, had already protested from the new contract made by Minister Vásquez until the year 1848. A in prices; and the government offered them quick profits that Rivera would facilitate, as will be seen.

Rivera had gone into campaign and his first operations had been as happy as they were fast. With just over 400 men, among whom were good officers such as Colonel Mundelle, who was recommended to him by Minister Ouseley and, aided by an Anglo-French flotilla under the command of Garibaldi, Rivera planted himself in the Colony, went to Carmel and fortified it after beating Commander Caballero's forces. Along the way he entered the Vipers with blood and fire, seizing everything he found. Despite Colonel Montoro's dispositions, he headed for Mercedes, seized this city on June 14, and defeated Montoro, taking 400 prisoners, 2,000 horses, and much armament.

These operations were accompanied by depredations, in which the merchants of Montevideo and mainly the comptrolling ministers of Great Britain and France were interested, who entered into the leather, cattle and fruit businesses of the country, which Rivera sent them, and in exchange gave resources and money to continue a devastating war.

It is necessary to see it written like this by the same men from the Montevideo government so that there is no doubt about the role that the Anglo-French intervention in La Plata played in their impotence. On June 5, 1846, Minister Magariños wrote to Rivera: “..I have spoken with the ministers (interventions) about the armaments that they will take charge of paying for it, taking for their reimbursement earned from what you have and will serve the maritime stations. They will also give us 20 quintals of gunpowder these days, and they have already put two of the cannons taken in Obligado into battery; the others went to London as trophies" "Don Agustín Almeida leaves - Magariños himself writes to Rivera on June 24 - so that associated with the person you choose in that, he will take charge of conducting what they want to send to him from what was taken from the enemy, and according to the contracts that were convenient to make, because that has seemed more arranged and expeditious to go in harmony...".

The means for the interested parties to come together in harmony is provided by Finance Minister Bejar, writing to Rivera on that same date: "I have previously told you that the purchase of weapons was arranged with the intervening ministers, who had told me how to arrange this business... Lately they have said that they will take cattle to collect their amount... For the best performance in the remittance of hides, cattle and other fruits taken in the territory occupied by the enemy, the government has appointed a committee concerned, which is Mr. Agustín Almeida, who will proceed in conjunction with another that you name. In this way it has seemed to us that it will be more convenient, and that these resources will be available to the government sooner”. Ratifying Bejar's assurances, Magariños still wrote to Rivera on July 5: "Yesterday it was agreed to notify you that to cover the arms contract, their value in hides and cattle must be delivered at the order of the ministers and admirals." On June 11, Minister Bejar acknowledged Rivera's receipt of a consignment of hides, but charged him with new consignments, "because you know our state well and the need to avoid inconveniences that may arise in this matter."

It is clear that the latter referred to the demands of the intervening ministers, such as that the consignments of hides and fruits should not be very abundant. It is that although Rivera made enormous collections, everything was not enough to entertain his system of squandering. Besieged by those who went to smell his largesse; Exploited by those who thrived in favor of the disorder that characterized him, he was always in need of money, which he reserved nothing for himself. At the end of August he was already asking the Finance Minister for more money, and when he sent it to him, the latter could not help but ask him for the report on hides "with the documents that can illustrate the matter." This is how the intervention and the war were entertained by the intervening ministers of Great Britain and France, when the sudden arrival of the British commissioner Thomas S. Hood began to give a new turn to the question of the Río de la Plata.

References

(1) See El Comercio del Plata of February 10.

(2) See this part of Admiral Inglefield who transcribed La Gaceta Mercantil of January 8, 1847, from the Morning Herald of September 12, 1846. Part of General Mansilla and letter from Captain Alzogaray in La Gaceta Mercantil of February 9, 1846. El Nacional and El Comercio del Plata of Montevideo, when referring to the battle of San Lorenzo, silenced the breakdowns and losses that the convoy suffered; but it is certain that many of the merchant ships were rendered useless, and that the Dolphin and Expeditive could not continue their services afterwards except at the cost of serious repairs.

(3) Lieutenant Austen's part of the Alecto to Captain Hotham, transcribed in The Mercantile Gazette; Ditto from Virto to Mansilla.

(4) This report was published in the Morning Herald of London on September 12, 1846. See the reports from Mansilla, Thorne and Santa Coloma, relating to these four battles, in the Mercantile Gazette of May 14, 1846. See also the letters from the English and French sailors, taken with the correspondence of Federal pailebot, and in which they feel the need to increase their maritime forces against the Confederation , and they discover all the setbacks and losses that the mercantile expedition of the allies suffered in San Lorenzo.

(5) See the Mercantile Gazette of May 2, 1846. The death of midshipman Wardlaw gave El Comercio del Plata the theme for a heroic romance, in which the Argentine soldiers appeared as murdering that officer little less than at close range.

(6) Decree of May 1, 1846.

(7) Correspondence taken to the allies together with the Federal pailebot. See the Mercantile Gazette of May 2, 1846.

(8) These reports were transcribed by La Gazeta Mercantil on January 8, 1847, from the London Morning Herald on September 12, 1846. Mansilla's official report in the Mercantile Gazette on June 12, 1846. See El Comercio del Plata on June 3 and 4, 1846 and what Bustamante says about it (mistaking the battle of San Lorenzo with that of Quebracho) in his book Intervention Errors, page 114.

(9) This protest was inserted in El Nacional de Montevideo on January 17, 1846.



Sources


Efemérides – Patricios de Vuelta de Obligado

Portal www.revisionistas.com.ar

Saldías, Adolfo – Rozas y el Brasil – Ed. Americana – Buenos Aires (1945)

Turone, Oscar A. – Efemérides – Patricios de Vuelta de Obligado.






Thursday, July 20, 2023

War against Subversion: The 1973 Terrorist Attack List

Chronicle of Terrorist Attacks in Argentina during 1973 - Part 2:


On October 6, 1975, during a period of turmoil in Argentina, three National Executive Power (Poder Ejecutivo Nacional) Decrees were issued provisionally under Italo Luder's authority, as President María E. Martínez was facing a nervous breakdown. These decrees authorized the Armed Forces to conduct military and security operations aimed at eradicating the actions of subversive elements throughout the country.

Notably, among the cabinet ministers who signed these decrees were Carlos Ruckauf and Antonio Cafiero. However, it is worth mentioning that this particular Decree is not referenced beyond 1984. In later years, these events came to be referred to as "the alleged war of the armed forces" or even described as a "hunt for innocent rabbits," as stated by lawyer Moreno Ocampo.







YEAR 1973:

01-7-73: FAR carries out an arson attack on the MINIMAX Supermarket in Munro.

01-10-73: ERP seizes a train traveling in Santa Fe, delivering a revolutionary harangue to the mostly railway workshop workers on board.

01-12-73: ERP takes over the LUJÁN motorcycle factory in Córdoba. Throughout January 1973, various terrorist organizations carry out execution-type attacks, resulting in the murder of nine policemen.

02-19-73: ERP takes over the Communications Battalion 141 in Cordoba, stealing a large number of weapons, including machine guns, automatic rifles, machine pistols, grenade launchers, and semi-automatic pistols. The entry was facilitated by a conscript who was a member of the terrorist organization.

03-11-73: The Peronist candidate Campora wins the elections with 49.7% of the votes. Subsequently, the attacks are seen as an obvious provocation aimed at preventing the smooth handover of power by the authorities of the outgoing military government, providing pretexts for continuing armed revolutionary actions.

03-19-73: FAR carries out an attack with explosives at the home of the Dean of the Faculty of Exact Sciences, UNLP.

03-25-73: ERP takes over the Atucha Nuclear Power Plant in Buenos Aires.

03-28-73: ERP takes over a classroom at the Faculty of Architecture of the UNLP, using it as a platform for terrorist indoctrination.

03-30-73: ERP attempts to attack the Libertad building - Navy Command in the Federal Capital with explosives. However, the bomb explodes prematurely in a bathroom, killing conscript Julio Provenzano, who was a member of the terrorist organization.

04-01-73: ERP kidnaps Rear Admiral D. Francisco A. Alemán, but he is later released.

04-06-73: ERP attacks with explosives at the home of Dr. Roberto Etchepareborda, Rector of the Universidad del Sur in Bahía Blanca.

04-08-73: ERP kidnaps Executive Víctor Bricombe for extortion, demanding a ransom of $1,360,000.

04-18-73: An UNKNOWN ORGANIZATION carries out an attack with explosives at the home of a professor at the University of Rosario.

04-24-73: ERP takes over Liceo Señoritas No. 1 in the Federal Capital, addressing students with harangues, pamphleteering, and hoisting an ERP flag.

04-26-73: ERP kidnaps Jacobo Nasif, the Main Commander of the Gendarmerie's Northwest Region. The ERP distributes his photograph with a communiqué announcing the death sentence of the Secretary General of the CGT, Ignacio José Rucci. However, it was MONTONEROS who assassinated Rucci later, following orders from their highest leadership.

04-30-73: ERP assassinates Admiral D. Hermes Quijada. During the attack, one of the terrorists, Víctor José Fernandez Palmeiro, is killed by a plainclothes policeman who intervenes.

05-05-73: ERP seizes and places a terrorist flag in the Faculty of Philosophy of Rosario.

05-07-73: ERP takes over ENET No. 2 of San Nicolás, addressing students with harangues and pamphleteering.

05-08-73: An UNKNOWN ORGANIZATION carries out an attack with explosives at the Faculty of Agronomy of the University of Corrientes.

05-22-73: ERP assaults the Faculty of Architecture of the Rosario University, stealing printing materials.

05-22-73: MONTONEROS assassinates Peronist trade unionist Dirk Kloosterman, General Secretary of S.M.A.T.A., in the Province of Buenos Aires.

05-22-73: MONTONEROS fails in an attempted kidnapping of a SWIFT company executive, Mr. Volinsky.

05-23-73: MONTONEROS assassinates Mr. Luis Giovanelli, an executive of the FORD company, who succumbs to his injuries days after the attack.

05-23-73: ERP kidnaps Executive Bellinson, one of the managers of the BABIC company, for extortion.

05-24-73: ERP attacks with explosives on the Director's home of the Institute of Computing, in Santiago del Estero.

05-25-73: President Cámpora assumes the government, and all the events mentioned thereafter, until 3/24/76, occurred during Peronist governments constitutionally elected by the citizens. Cámpora was elected with 49.7% of the votes, and Perón received 62% support.

05-29-73: FAR releases the kidnapped businessman Enrique Fridman, manager of the company MECANICA LANIN, after paying a ransom.

06-02-73: FAR releases the kidnapped businessman Oscar Castell, manager of the COCA COLA company, after paying a ransom.

06-02-73: ERP takes over the BONELLI metallurgical company in Córdoba, stealing weapons.

06-04-73: FAR assassinates the Peronist trade union leader Pascual Almada.

06-06-73: ERP takes over School No. 52 of La Plata, engaging in harangue and pamphleteering.

06-06-73: ERP launches an armed attack against the Radioelectric Command headquarters in MERLO, Buenos Aires, with the terrorist Luis Castrogiovanni being seriously wounded in the combat.

06-06-73: Luis Castrogiovanni dies and is veiled in the Faculty of Architecture of the UBA.

06-06-73: ERP kidnaps Executive Carlos Lockwood for extortion (ransom $2,300,000).

06-09-73: ERP takes over a radio broadcasting station in Avellaneda, Buenos Aires, broadcasting Marxist revolutionary proclamations.

06-12-73: UNKNOWN ORGANIZATION attacks with explosives at the home of a UNLP professor.

06-13-73: ERP takes over the SCAC company, stealing weapons.

06-15-73: ERP seizes the family home of an executive from the company DALMINE SIDERCA in Campana. The house is mined and partially blown up with explosives.

06-15-73: ERP takes over the company DULESNEA in La Plata, stealing milk.

06-18-73: ERP kidnaps the executive of the FIRESTONE company, John Thompson, in Lomas de Zamora, Buenos Aires, and a ransom of one million dollars is paid.

06-18-73: ERP takes over the INCOMET company in Rosario, with hostage-taking among the managers.

06-19-73: ERP assaults a police patrol car, stealing weapons and injuring a policeman.

06-20-73: EZEIZA massacre occurs during the mass reception of Perón's final return to the country, where MONTONEROS and FAR confront ARMED GROUPS OF THE PERONIST EXTREME RIGHT and the PERONIST UNIONS. More than five hundred people are estimated dead and wounded after hours of confused shootings and skirmishes.

06-20-73: ERP attacks the General Güemes Police Detachment, Province of Buenos Aires.

06-20-73: ERP attacks and sets fire to the home of businessman Mr. Blois, Province of Buenos Aires.

06-25-73: ERP takes over a classroom at the Faculty of Architecture of Rosario, engaging in harangue.

06-25-73: ERP takes over the company ESTELA in San Nicolás, Buenos Aires.

06-25-73: ERP murders the deputy Alberto Armesto.

06-25-73: ERP attacks with explosives at the homes of the FIAT company executives, Messrs. Mario Rébora and Daniel Pacheco.

06-25-73: FAR kidnaps the merchant Mr. José Sigüeza for extortion.

06-26-73: MONTONEROS kidnaps Liliana Aerin and Mirta Rubin for extortion and releases them after ransom payment.

06-26-73: FAR kidnaps businessman Mr. Alberto Mazzarella for extortion.

06-28-73: ERP assaults the Catholic University of Córdoba, stealing typewriters and microscopes.

07-12-73: MONTONEROS kidnaps Executive Carlos Pulenta for extortion (ransom $920,000).

06-13-73: Under pressure exerted by Perón, orthodox Peronism, and Justicialist unions, President Cámpora and Vice Solano Lima resign due to the total chaos prevailing in the country and the government. Lastiri takes office, and new presidential elections are called.

07-23-73: FAR attacks with explosives on the University Pavilion in Córdoba.

07-28-73: ERP takes over Provincial Schools No. 117 and 527 in Santa Fe, engaging in harangue and pamphleteering.

08-01-73: MONTONEROS attacks with explosives at the Faculty of Medicine of the UBA.

08-05-73: ERP assassinates the Official Inspector General Hugo Tomagnini in Tucumán.

08-25-73: MONTONEROS issues a proclamation against the Peronist government, inciting the revolutionary seizure of power.

09-06-73: ERP attacks and takes over the Army Health Command in the Federal Capital, with the aim of stealing existing weapons. Conscript soldier Hernán Invernizzi, son of the psychologist and "progressive" militant Eva Giberti, acted as a handover for his comrades. In the attack on the guard, Lieutenant Eduardo Rusch and conscript soldier Osvaldo Dedged are injured, they came to reclaim the recently lost colony. The successful operations to regain control of the Command were executed by the forces of the Patricios Regiment, led by Second Chief Lieutenant Colonel Raúl Duarte Hardoy, who valiantly fought in the most perilous position and ultimately perished in combat. It remains uncertain if the new Legislature of the City of Buenos Aires will honor him by including his name on the proposed new monument along the Costanera Norte. The monument, seemingly designated for one side only, intends to commemorate the terrorists who fell during the civil war of the seventies.

On 09-11-73, MONTONEROS carried out an explosive attack on the Faculty of Law at the UBA. Subsequently, on 09-23-73, the presidential formula Perón-Perón emerged victorious, securing 62% of the votes. However, on the same day, MONTONEROS struck again, assassinating Lt. 1st Fernando Cativa Tolosa in Mar del Plata.

A significant event occurred on 09-25-73 when MONTONEROS executed the assassination of the General Secretary of the CGT, the Peronist José Ignacio Rucci, through a hail of bullets. This brazen act was undertaken as a direct challenge to Perón, as it took place merely two days after his election. The operation, ordered by the highest leadership, involved meticulous intelligence work spanning five months, culminating in locating one of the safe houses where the threatened Rucci spent his nights. With careful planning, they rented the house across the street and waited for his arrival on the night of the 24th. The assassination group, led by N.G. Thomas, carried out the fatal attack the next morning when Rucci left the house. The multiple bullet impacts on his body led MONTONEROS to ironically codename the operation "OPERATION TRAVIATA," drawing a connection to the numerous holes in a cookie. This event exposed MONTONEROS' true ideology, resulting in a loss of support from the justicialist masses, ultimately paving the way for their eventual military defeat.

The interception and deception of police communications were expertly managed by Chief Officer Marcelo Kurlat, N.G. MONRA, while the crucial prior intelligence tasks were undertaken by the Information field, led by First Officer N.G. Esteban, legal Rodolfo Walsh. Walsh, now recognized as a "brilliant writer and defender of human rights," was tragically killed in combat in 1977. His name now adorns various university lecture halls, literary awards, and a small square in the Federal Capital, at the intersection of Chile and Peru streets.

It raises an intriguing question: will Rucci's name be placed alongside Walsh's on the future monument along the north coast? What would the Peronist workers say if they were aware of this tragic irony? The Peronist union leaders may have been aware, but memories can be tactically flexible and selective, guided by personal interests, of course."



Journalist and terrorist Rodolfo Walsh, intelligence chief officer of Montoneros terrorist group.

09-26-73: Assassination of the Peronist politician Enrique Grinberg, as he left his home in the Federal Capital.
09-27-73: FAR, attacks with explosives in Schools No. 1 and 2 of Mar del Plata.
09-27-73: MONTONEROS, attacks with explosives in the Faculties of Dentistry and Pharmacy - Biochemistry.
09-27-73: ERP, takeover of School No. 7 of Zárate.
09-27-73: FAR, attack with explosives in the Faculty of Law of the UBA.
09-28-73: ERP, takeover of School No. 20 of San Nicolás.

The month of October 1973 marks the beginning of a series of periodic sporadic attacks, primarily targeting surface organizations associated with terrorist groups and, in a few cases, left-wing politicians unrelated to terrorism. Each incident is self-attributed to an alleged far-right organization called AAA, which, however, is widely believed never to have existed, though it contributed to the exacerbation of institutional chaos.

These actions were isolated and impulsive, carried out by a few small groups comprising right-wing military, police, students, and mainly Peronist trade unionists. They were emotionally and anarchically reacting to the perceived total passivity of judges and state security agencies, which created an environment of total impunity for the Marxist terrorists—many of whom had been recently released en masse by the National Congress.

The only common thread among these incidents was the use of the initials AAA in the messages left after each event. If Lopez Rega's custodians were indeed involved in some cases, they should simply be included in the overall chaotic picture, as the said minister could not have directed a non-existent clandestine organization.

10-10-73: Groups presumed to be AAA attack radical senator Hipólito Solari Irigoyen, a member of the most left-wing faction within the party. He is known as a defense lawyer for ERP terrorists and publicly suspected of being involved in an organization.

10-08-73: ERP takes over School No. 389 in Rosario.
10-17-73: ERP takes over the Córdoba University Dining Hall.
10-18-73: ERP takes over the National College of La Plata.
10-19-73: MONTONEROS attack with explosives at National School No. 2 in Rosario.
10-22-73: ERP takes over the Ricardo Palma Educational Institute.
10-30-73: ERP takes over the Faculty of Architecture in La Plata.

11-08-73: MONTONEROS takes over the School of Social Assistants.
09-11-73: ERP kidnaps Peronist trade union leader Pedro Saucedo for extortion.

11-10-73: FAR attacks with explosives at the home of the Rector of the National University of Rosario.
11-14-73: ERP takes over the Manuel Dorrego Higher School of Commerce in Córdoba.
11-15-73: ERP takes over an Elementary School in Tucumán.
11-17-73: ERP kidnaps the General Manager of the BANK OF LONDON, E. Niborg Anderson.
11-24-73: MONTONEROS attacks with explosives at the Gral. Belgrano de Merlo National College.
11-29-73: ERP takes over the ALAS ARGENTINAS Elementary School in Córdoba.

12-06-73: ERP kidnaps high executive of the company ESSO, Víctor Samuelson, for extortion.
12-14-73: MONTONEROS takes over the University Dining Hall of the U.N. del Noroeste.
12-22-73: An unknown individual murders student Tomás Guillermo Burns at the University of Córdoba.