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Triple Alliance War: Williams, John Hoyt (2000). "A Swamp of Blood. The Battle of Tuyuti"

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Williams, John Hoyt (2000). "A Swamp of Blood. The Battle of Tuyuti". Military History 17 (1).

The Paraguayan War: The Paraná Protocol

The Paraná Protocol

 
José Maria da Silva Paranhos (1819-1880)

Like those cubes that fit one inside the other, Brazil was included within the larger cube of British politics. Miter, in turn, would be the smallest hub of Brazilian diplomacy, as Captain Richard Burton himself would denounce.

Miter and his class did not enter into war, neither deceived nor naive. This general of pounds and surrenders, he knew that if war was declared “…. It would be an unprecedented event in South America, the most immoral in modern history. The Confederation has nothing to claim regarding the free navigation of the Paraguay River. Regarding the question of borders, it is not in the interest of the Republics of Silver to assist Brazil in its policy of invading foreign territory, betraying the cause of the Republic of Paraguay, our defense against the exaggerated pretensions of Brazil; and it would also be betraying our own cause, when similar issues may arise later between Brazil and the Argentine Republic.”

This was maintained by Miter against Urquiza, when he suspected that the Protocol of Paraná of December 14, 1857, which established the alliance between Brazil and the Confederation, to attack Paraguay, was about to be signed. The general's speeches and words are clarified politically in their historical context. Extracting from this quote by Miter a definitive meaning about his position favorable to Paraguay would be hermeneutically incorrect and historically false. Even the same representatives of Urquiza, in article 4 of the Paraná Protocol, had stated: “The war has only as its goal the free navigation of Paraguay in which the interest of the Confederation is secondary and remote due to its current lack of trade in those directions, would not be popular in his country, would not justify the Argentine Government before the national public opinion of abandoning the contemporary policy that has been prescribed until today, despite the serious damages that result from the deplorable system that the Paraguayan Government insists on.

“…That an alliance of the two States to draw their borders with Paraguay, a State weaker than either of them, would be odious and could seriously compromise the results that both promise to obtain.”.

Upon signing the Protocol of Paraná, on December 14, 1857, Paranhos gave the following “significant toast”: “I wish to see the closest union between the Empire and the Confederation realized, and that the glory of Caseros is not the only glory acquired.” in common for Brazil and the Argentine Nation.”

In a “confidential” from José Manuel Estrada to Wenceslao Paunero, dated December 24, 1868, it is clarified: “…The Government of Urquiza, which in 1857 was courting Brazil to bring it into an alliance against Buenos Aires and obtain loans, without which "He could not carry out what he called the war of reconstruction, that year he concluded a treaty with Mr. Paranahos in which he undertook to hand over the slaves who escaped from Brazil." This treaty was, effectively, another of those signed in Paraná on that occasion. Urquiza's “objectives” were exactly as described. For this reason, Pelham Horton Box rightly says “…in the agreements between Brazil, the Argentine Confederation and Uruguay, of 1856 and 1857, we already see the outline of the Triple Alliance of 1865.”

Miter would participate in the war, despite the position publicly held in 1857, because with it he consolidated his political alliance with the Brazilian Empire and ensured his triumph over the federals. With the alliance, on the other hand, the cycle begun with Urquiza, of financial-political dependence, with respect to Brazil, that is to say, England, was continued.

The price of the “repressive” tranquility of the provincial interior had been previously regulated by Baring Brothers, Rothschild and the Foreign Office. In Argentina, the livestock class, “exporter-importer”, urged Bartolomé Mitre. The newspaper of Melchor Rom – director of the Stock Exchange and one of the eminent representatives of that class – dreamed of the appropriation of Guaraní tobacco and yerba. His imagination as an economic speculator would cause the Paraguayan lands to be traveled, in his dreams, by Buenos Aires cattle.

Seduced by Mitrist rhetoric, a coincidental sublimation of their class interests, the young “autonomists” and “nationalists”, with aristocratic roots, would voluntarily enlist, commanded by their philosophy professors, to put an end to Paraguayan “barbarism”. “After the triumph of Paraguay,” said “La Nación Argentina” in December 1864, “the reign of barbarism will continue for us (…) As Argentines, then, and as enemies of barbarism and dictatorship, we hope that, if the Paraguayan government carries on the war is defeated by Brazil (...) no one can doubt the situation that awaits us if Paraguay triumphs."

After Curupaytí, Mitre's “nationalists” would be replaced by paid mercenaries or the unemployed. The mercenaries were Europeans, hired by Hilario Ascasubi in France. The couplings were made in Marseille and Bordeaux. Hundreds of men were embarked monthly on ships of the “Societé General des Transport Maritime”. The contracts were accompanied by a medical certificate of health of the mercenaries, and the statement of two witnesses, which proved that they knew how to handle weapons. All formalities were completed at the Argentine Consulate in Marseille or Bordeaux. The unemployed Argentines, in turn, were men who, destroyed by free trade the tasks of craftsmanship and industry that flourished under Juan Manuel de Rosas, were distressed and without work, forced to look for a “military” occupation.

All of them would go to carry out the bloody British plan on Guarani land.

Uruguay, converted into a political appendage of Brazilian-Mitrista diplomacy, after its national defeat, would participate through Venancio Flores in the war. The 5,000 men that he will send to their deaths will justify the geometric increase in his public debt, due to the measured “efforts” of the Baron of Mauá and the London bankers. The convention of October 12, 1851, had determined that the Eastern Republic of Uruguay was obliged to apply all its resources to the payment of the Brazilian debt. But, from this obligation, at the request of Brazil itself, the loans that Uruguay had obtained in London had been excluded. This requirement would be repeated in the protocol of 1867, and conclusively demonstrates the total dependence of Brazilian Banking on the English one. The credits of the Brazilian Empire were, in reality, British credits, which could not be settled with English money. León de Palleja, despite his position as an allied officer, would express the authentic Uruguayan thought: “I was not a supporter of this (war); Everyone knows my ideas in this regard, but I consider it a stupid war to wage between Orientals and Paraguayans. Nations of identical origin and causes; although by different means, they are destined to maintain a common policy and to be sisters and not enemies…”

The war seemed an irrational fact, but the world was experiencing the transformation of the export of merchandise into the export of capital, and South America was the favorable victim of that transformation, deeply “rational” for British interests.

Cotton, free navigation, loans, limits, commercial profits, industrial destruction, political power, ambition and fear, marked the war of the Double Alliance, between Financial Capital and local oligarchies. Drama of American characters, with a hidden protagonist and author: England, revealed, through the few traces left in its lethal path.

Faced with this plexus of interests and relationships, the Paraguayan people, with their statesman at the helm. The armed people, defending their economic freedom, their protectionist tariff, their closure of rivers, their agricultural production, their industry, their railroad, their telegraph.

But above all, sovereign Paraguay, defending the balance of the Río de la Plata, that is, the “American Union”, against the attack prepared by the foreign power.

Anticipating what would happen, Rosas had written to Carlos Antonio López a dozen years ago: “that he hoped for his happiness and for God to preserve him without admitting foreigners, who are bad locusts.”
Felipe Varela, director of the “American System” would say of the War, in an ephemeral moment of truce:

“… The war with Paraguay was an event already calculated, premeditated by General Mitre (...) The Argentine provinces, however, have never participated in these feelings, on the contrary, those people have contemplated, groaning, the defection of the President, imposed by the bayonets, on the Argentine blood, of the principles of the American Union, in which they have always looked to the safeguarding of their rights and their freedom, taken in the name of justice and the law”.

And that thought would be the fraternal echo of the high Paraguayan patriotic expression, synthesized in the doctrine of the balance of the Río de la Plata, which Francisco Solano López proclaimed, with just pride before all his people.

Full text of the Paraná Protocol

On the fourteenth day of the month of December, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven, in this city of Paraná, the Plenipotentiaries of the Argentine Confederation, doctors Don Santiago Derqui and Don Bernabé López, and the Plenipotentiary of YE. the Emperor of Brazil, Counselor José María da Silva Paranhos, agreed to record in writing the results of their conferences, on the means that their respective Governments should use to obtain from the Republic of Paraguay a satisfactory solution to the pending issues, which they say regarding common river navigation as well as the declarations that the same Plenipotentiaries made in the name of both Governments, presupposing the case that war becomes inevitable to achieve that goal that is of such interest to both countries and to civilization and commerce in general.
It was agreed at the same time that this document must be kept in the most complete confidentiality and is intended only to inform the two Governments of the circumstances and dispositions that each of them has towards the Republic of Paraguay, taking into account that , in any case they can mutually bring together all the good offices inherent to the benevolent and close relations that so happily exist between them and the peoples whose destinies they preside over.
Being an obligation contracted by the Empire of Brazil and the Argentine Confederation, in the Alliance Agreements of 1851, confirmed and again stipulated in the Treaty of March 7, 1856, and in the river Convention of November 20 of the present year, the invitation and use of all means within the reach of each of the two Governments so that the other coastal States and especially the Republic of Paraguay, adhere to the same principles of free navigation as well as the means of making them effectively useful, said Plenipotentiaries agreed:

1. In that the Government of the Argentine Confederation, based on the aforementioned stipulations and the special conditions that exist between it and that of the Republic of Paraguay, for the free transit enjoyed by the Paraguayan flag in the waters of the Paraná, belonging to the same Confederation and by the Treaty of July 29, 1856, will demand of said Republic that for its part it opens the Paraguay River to all flags and adopts in relation to common transit the franchises and means of Police and inspection that are generally used and found stipulated in the River Convention of November 20 between the Confederation and the Empire of Brazil.
2. In that the Government of the Confederation as well as that of Brazil will maintain said claim with the greatest possible effort, being however free to each of them to ensure that their claims reach the point of leaving diplomatic channels and compromising the state of peace. in which they find themselves with that neighboring State, given that the Government of the Confederation and the Imperial Government are not yet in agreement on the hypothesis of resorting to war.
   
3. In that, to make possible, as both Governments so desire, a peaceful solution to the pending issues with the Republic of Paraguay, regarding river navigation, both may stop insisting on the general concession and ultimately limit their claims, to that the Paraguayan Government effectively guarantees all its freedom of transit to its respective flags, according to the means indicated in the river Convention of November 20 of this year, each Government invoking its perfect right to this free transit, in view of the treaties in force between them and that of that Republic. 
4. In that, the claim of the Government of the Confederation will be made in a way that coincides with the special mission that the Government of H.M. The Emperor of Brazil now sends to the Republic of Paraguay with the demand that in the same sense and at the same time direct the Government of the Eastern State of Uruguay.

Sources

• Efemérides – Patricios de Vuelta de Obligado
• Peña, R. O. y Duhalde. E. – Felipe Varela – Schapire editor – Buenos Aires (1975).
• www.revisionistas.com.ar

1955 Revolution: Gloster Meteors Attack the River Squadron

The Battle of the Río de la Plata


It was 08:00 in the morning and dawn was beginning when the destroyers of the River Squadron, ARA “Cervantes” (D-1) under the command of Captain Pedro J. Gnavi and ARA “La Rioja” (D-4), under under the command of Captain Rafael Palomeque, they cast off and left the roadsteads of the large naval base to enter Río de la Plata.
While this was happening, several boats crossed the canal from the shipyards to the School, transporting Marine Corps troops to take up combat positions in that sector. It was very cold and the increasing humidity soaked the decks of the boats, making movement difficult for the personnel.



As the destroyers moved away, separated by 1,000 meters from each other, with the “La Rioja” in front and the “Cervantes” behind, their crews, in loud voices, received the order to put on their helmets and life jackets and adopt combat gear. Tranquility reigned on board, partly due to the good preparation of the cadres and partly because no one expected problems because the assigned mission seemed simple: navigation in the Plata had to be blocked and prevent the arrival of ships to the Buenos Aires ports, something that At first glance, it did not represent major risks.
The destroyers sailed slowly, to give power to their engines once in open waters, because their boilers were quite old. They did it under strict radio silence and in good weather despite the fact that in the distance the advance of a storm front could be perceived.
There was a lot of wind and the cold penetrated the bones when the sun slowly emerged over the horizon, causing a feeling of pleasure in the crews, but not in their commanders since, if these conditions persisted, the enemy aircraft could easily act.
The ships reached the Punta Indio buoy and from there they turned towards the Uruguayan coast, in front of which they sailed slowly in a westerly direction.
Of the two commanders, the most concerned was Palomeque, who, out of his professional zeal, had recommended maximum attention in anticipation of a possible air attack. Clad in his greatcoat, with his hands in his pockets and his cap pulled down over his ears, the veteran sailor watched his movements with his high-magnification glasses (he was nearsighted), without saying anything.
The initial joy and excitement of the younger sailors gradually disappeared in the face of the permanent warning indications that, on both boats, gave rise to feelings of seriousness and concern.
To starboard, on the signal bridge of the “La Rioja”, were the cadets Juan Angel Maañón and Jorge Augusto Fiorentino, both attentive to everything that was happening. The gunners, for their part, were at their stations, ready to fire their four 120 mm cannons, two forward and two aft, plus two 40 mm Bofors machine gun mounts, one between the funnels and one in the stern. , weapons not suitable to face an air attack.

On the loyal side, the Air Force was already on alert when the first light of September 16 appeared on the horizon. The high command had called its members to an urgent meeting and shortly after, from the headquarters at Lavalle 2540, its head, Brigadier Juan Ignacio San Martín, left for the Ministry of War to make himself available to Perón and explain the situation.
While San Martín was heading to the Ministry, his second, Brigadier Juan Fabri, was moving to the Aeroparque to board a DC-3 of the Command in Chief, determined to fly immediately to the Morón Air Base.
Early that morning, Captain Hugo Crexell, of the Naval Aviation, appeared at the Ministry of the Army, expressly summoned by the high authorities of the Government, to speak personally with Perón. The brave pilot was led through the hallways of the building to the office where the president was meeting with members of his cabinet. He had just completed an important training program in the extreme south of the country, which included exercises attacking ships from aircraft that had made a very good impression on the High Command. And although he did not yet know it, in those crucial moments, an important task awaited him, that is, a real war mission.
As he walked through the corridors, guided by an Army officer, Crexell was unaware that he was going to be entrusted with a war mission and that he was about to lead the first air-naval battle in Argentine history.
Together with his guide, they stopped in front of one of the doors of the unit and immediately afterwards, he entered a large room where he was received by the Minister of the Navy in person, Admiral Luis J. Cornes, who led him to the office where he was. Perón in the company of several officials.

-This, my general, is the pilot who remained loyal on June 16 and who commanded the naval exercises with great skill in the south – Cornes told the president after standing at attention and bowing – He is the one in charge of the Naval Aviation Command.

Nervous and even disturbed at finding himself before one of the most powerful personalities in American history, Crexell stood at attention and stood firm.
Perón looked worried when he shook his hand and told him that he must “cleanse” the Río de la Plata of rebel elements. He gave him some explanations and immediately ordered San Martín to personally drive him to Morón, with the express directive to “do what he thought appropriate”; In a word, all of his (Crexell's) directives had to be followed without questioning of any kind.

-You go with him and put him in command – he ordered San Martín and, addressing Crexell again, he added – Get those traitors pay through the nose! Take the measures you deem necessary!

Crexell gave the military salute and, together with San Martín, hurriedly left the Ministry in the direction of the Aeroparque, where a helicopter was waiting for him with its engines running, ready to take off.
The aircraft rose and began its journey towards Morón, crossing the Federal Capital to the west. Once at the base, the naval pilot jumped ashore thinking that San Martín would follow him, but his surprise was great when he saw that the high officer remained in his seat, without moving.
Crexell retraced his steps to ask him what was happening and was absorbed when he heard from the aeronautical chief himself that since he was not well regarded in the place, he was immediately returning to Buenos Aires.
Still absorbed, Crexell took a few steps back and stood on the tarmac watching the helicopter take flight and move away, still not understanding what the situation was.
Once in front of Brigadier Fabri, the newcomer made known the orders that Perón had given him and immediately arranged a reconnaissance flight to familiarize himself with the area of operations and take the first measures. Subordinated to his orders, Fabri ordered a de Havilland to be enlisted that, under the command of an ensign, would carry Crexell himself as navigator.
The plane departed without problems and after half an hour it detected the rebel units sailing in waters near Colonia. The naval aviator ordered the return and once on the ground, he headed to the operations center to notify the news to Fabri and his second, Captain Daniel de Marrote, his former colleague from the Navy who has now moved to the Air Force. Immediately afterwards, he ordered the first attack.
In a climate of great excitement, a squadron of four Gloster Meteors was enlisted under the command of Vice Commodore Carlos A. Síster, the same one who had strafed the Red Base of Ezeiza on June 16, who was tasked with harassing and putting them out of combat. to the units of the Ríos Squadron.
Crexell personally gave the instructions in the pre-flight room and once finished, the pilots stood up and headed to their planes to carry out the corresponding checks, climb into their cockpits and wait for the mechanics to finish refueling.

Vice Commodore Carlos A. Sister, Chief of the Gloster Meteor section that attacked the River Squadron (Photography: Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, La Revolución del 55, Tomo II)

 

When everything was ready, Sister informed the tower that they were taking off and after receiving authorization, he began to taxi along the pavement towards the main runway, followed by his escorts. Once at the head, it stopped and less than a minute later, it gave maximum power to its turbines and began taxiing at high speed, landing first, followed by its three numerals with a difference of fifteen seconds between each other.

While the aircraft took flight and headed southeast, several kilometers away, in the direction of the Eastern Band, the rebel destroyers continued the blockade with their crews in a permanent state of alert.
The clocks on board showed 09:18 when the Peronist squadron was detected.

- Four planes ahead!!! – shouted one of the lookouts at “La Rioja”.

It was the warning announcement; The dreaded moment had arrived.
Captain Carlos F. Peralta, second in command, observed with his binoculars from the bridge, trying to locate the devices. Since he couldn't do it, he asked cadet Maañón to do it and he responded:

-They advance from the distilleries of Dock Sud, my captain!

Peralta focused his googles in that direction and could see four small dots approaching at high speed.

-"Load cannons!" he ordered, a directive that was passed out loud by the battery commanders.
-Artillery ready, sir!! – was the response.

At that time, the commander ordered Lieutenant Ríos to raise the war flag, an indication that he relayed out loud.

-No one shoots until I give the order!!! – Captain Palomeque shouted as the Peronist aviation advanced in a “V” formation, just as Adolf Galland, the World War II ace hired by Perón, had taught them in the training courses.
On board the “La Rioja” the crew saw the aircraft make a wide turn in the direction of Montevideo and stand in a line, one after the other, with Vice Commodore Síster at the head.
Seeing that, Lieutenant Ríos had no more doubts.

-They are going to attack us, sir!!!

Palomeque remained unscathed on the bridge, watching with his hands in his coat pockets at the planes that were approaching him; Peralta, for his part, hurried to take position at his combat position, giving loud directives while the personnel ran around the deck.
With the sun in front of them, the starboard guns aimed at the aircraft and waited while constant alerts announced the start of hostilities.
The first two fighters dropped from the clouds, firing their cannons furiously. Captain Palomeque ordered to open fire and piece No. 1 began to thunder, activated by midshipman Julio César Ayala Torales, who was assisted by cadets Edgardo Guillochón and Washington Bárcena.

-Long live the country, damn it!! – the officers shouted amid the deafening roar.

Síster's plane passed first, strafing the deck; Immediately after, the second one did so, flying 1500 meters behind. Their projectiles hit the structure of the ship, destroying the signal light, several thermometers and some objects in the navigation room, without causing casualties.
The crew experienced shock and admiration when they saw their commander standing on a ledge of the bridge, receiving the attack without seeking protection. No bullet hit him.
Palomeque ordered Lieutenant Federico Ríos to inform Admiral Rojas that he had begun the fight and that the fire was being returned, and when the attacking machines were moving away to the west, he ordered a “ceasefire.”

-Breakdowns or injuries?! – the non-commissioned officers asked in the midst of excitement.
-No news! – was the response.

Seconds later the alarms sounded again, announcing the second attack.
These were the other two aircraft that arrived at low altitude, activating their cannons. The anti-aircraft guns returned fire, filling the deck with the smell of gunpowder and deafening their servants with the explosions. In their need to ease tensions, officers and sailors shouted cheers to the country and harsh epithets against a regime that, at that point, they identified as their enemy.
The planes passed over the destroyer firing relentlessly and took altitude following Sister and her companion. The one flying last was the one that caused the most damage as it hit various points of the structure, seriously injuring cadet Maañón. A 20 mm projectile had blown off his lower jaw, causing a horrific wound that left him without a mouth and several of his teeth.
Bleeding profusely, the sailor held his chin trying to keep his tongue, which hung monstrously, in place, without noticing the remains of teeth, blood and pieces of flesh that covered his coat. A feeling of horror shook his companions when they saw his disfigured face.

-My son!!! – Palomeque shouted, taking the sailor by the arms and almost immediately, he ordered his immediate transfer to the infirmary.

The “La Rioja” had serious damage to its structure, the most serious being six 20 mm holes under the waterline through which water penetrated uncontrollably.
Vice Commodore Síster's squadron returned to Morón, landing at 10:00 a.m., without problems. His boss expressed euphoria when he got off his plane and told his superiors the details of the attack, immediately requesting a new incursion. It was then decided to send a second formation under the command of Vice Commodore Orlando Pérez Laborda to repeat the attack.
The new formation took off fifteen minutes later and once in the air, headed directly toward the objective, at a time when a storm front was approaching from the northeast.
The boats were in the middle of the estuary when the Air Force attacked again.
Cadet José L. Cortés, from “La Rioja”, was wounded in the face. On the “Cervantes”, cadet Juan Pieretti was shot in the hip and Lieutenant Commander Rodolfo de Elizalde was slightly burned by a tracer that grazed his right leg. The sailors were on the bridge when the attack occurred and their quick reaction, by throwing themselves to the ground, saved them from certain death. However, in this new incursion, one of the Gloster seemed to be hit because as it moved away towards the west it began to lose speed while making a sharp turn before reaching the vertical of the “La Rioja”. Despite this, when she almost touched the water she stabilized and walked away in the direction of Morón.



The "Cervantes" tries to cover itself and do the same with the "La Rioja" giving off a column of smoke (Image: Thanks to Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


While the second raid was carried out, Captain Crexell explained to Vice Commodore Síster and Officer Islas how the following attacks should be carried out, modifying the angle of fire with runs from stern to bow and not from the side as they had done. done in the previous raid. This would facilitate the action of the pilots and put them under cover behind the dense columns of smoke emitted by the destroyers' chimneys.
The pilots followed the explanations carefully while Crexell plotted them on the blackboard in the command room, and when his superior finished speaking, they ran back to the Glosters to carry out a new attack.


Destroyer ARA "Cervantes" sailing in the waters of Plata (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

Following these indications, the third attack under the command of Síster was devastating.
The clocks pointed to 11:00 when the “La Rioja” was once again ferociously machine-gunned.
The squadron flew over her deck four times, peppering her with her cannons, valiantly defying the anti-aircraft guns and machine guns on board, which were trying to repel her. There was little they could do because the speed of the fighters was their best defense.
In one of the passes, the planes caused the “Cervantes” numerous casualties, some of them fatal.
A bullet went through the head of Carlos Cejas, a 4th year cadet who was serving a Bofors piece aft. The boy fell senseless on the deck, dying minutes later. Nearby, assistant Raúl Machado received a deep wound in his right arm that forced his immediate evacuation to the infirmary, where Dr. Luis Emilio Bachini, the onboard dental doctor, was trying to do the best he could. Machado died on the stretcher, when the doctor was preparing to amputate his arm. The shrapnel also hit Lieutenant Alejandro Sahortes when he was trying to get Senior Corporal Juan Carlos Berezoski into the engine room, who was having a nervous breakdown. Berezoski died instantly and Sahores fell under the lifeboats with his stomach punctured and his femoral artery shattered.
It was, without a doubt, a tremendous raid that left 21 casualties, five of them fatal.
Dr. Bachini's work was commendable. With the assistance of Captain Rodolfo de Elizalde, he set up an improvised blood hospital in the staff room and assisted by the aforementioned officer and a cadet, he did everything within his power to alleviate the suffering of the wounded.
The situation in “La Rioja” was worse. The Peronist fighters devastated its deck and pierced its structure in several sectors, completely destroying cannon No. 1. The 2nd year cadet Edgardo Guillochón was hit by the projectiles and fell dead on the piece he was serving. His partner, Washington Barcena, received a splinter in her left leg, causing her to lose her balance and fall heavily to the ground.


Anti-aircraft guns open fire

In the infirmary, the main corporal Araujo, who had knowledge of first aid, took care of the wounded, carefully caring for Maañón and Cortés. It was a small place under the bridge, with two stretchers on top of each other and a small wardrobe. Under these conditions, the dedicated non-commissioned officer also performed exceptional work, despite the limited instruments he had at his disposal.
While he held Maañón's tongue to prevent him from swallowing it, he removed the dental remains and splinters from his jaw with gauze, as well as a piece of metal embedded very close to his left eye. Once that task was completed, he gave him one of the few painkillers in the medicine cabinet and asked him to remain still.
Cadet José Luis Cortés was on the upper stretcher with a serious head wound. The brave Araujo was bandaging it when the projectiles from the third attack pierced the metal structure of the cabin, crossing it from side to side.
A cannonball embedded itself under Maañón's right shoulder blade, causing a new injury. Another wounded sailor, who was standing near the entrance, was hit in the legs as the door he was leaning against was thrown from its frame. Araujo injected a dose of morphine into Maañón and applied tourniquets to the other sailor, both sore from the new injuries.
Due to the harsh punishment endured by his boat, Captain Palomeque contacted the “Cervantes” to tell him that the most convenient thing was to move away from the area in the direction of the mouth of the river, out of the range of the Peronist planes.
After listening to the proposal, Commander Gnavi agreed and agreed, since that way, they could continue fulfilling the blockade mission without risking the personnel on board.
Palomeque called Admiral Rojas to inform him that the ships had been subjected to violent attacks and that they had dead and wounded on board. And when he asked for authorization to withdraw, it was granted immediately.
The old destroyers turned east and headed towards the ocean while on board the ranch was distributed to the crew. At that time, when no one suspected it, a fourth attack occurred.
The ships were sailing towards the mouth of the Río de la Plata when four Gloster Meteors appeared through the clouds and pounced on them.
The decks were machine-gunned again while the troops tried to take cover. And once again, Cadet Maañón was hit, this time in his right foot, when a projectile pierced his boot and broke several bones in his instep and heel. The brave Corporal Araujo rushed at him once again, applying a new tourniquet and a new injection of morphine that left him completely unconscious.
After this new incursion, the destroyers gave greater power to their engines and left the area at high speed while the Air Force aircraft withdrew towards Morón. The old boats were battered but they emerged unscathed from the attack. They had fired more than 1,000 projectiles and received 250 hits and lost some of their artillery pieces, two the “Cervantes” and one the “La Rioja.”
The ships were sailing heeled due to the impacts they had received below the waterline and on those waterways, repair teams provided with wooden blocks and tar worked.

The Gloster Meteor's final raid was followed by a period of tense calm in which the attacks seemed to cease.
Despite the damage, the “Cervantes” took the opportunity to stop an American freighter loaded with fruit, which a doctor requested. Unfortunately the Americans did not have any because their crew was minimal and they did not need it.
The crew of the destroyer was busy with this task when a squadron of Calquin light bombers suddenly appeared in the air and was heading directly towards the ships, coming from Morón.
The fact that the warship was at that time next to a foreign merchant ship saved it from what could have been a devastating attack. The bombs fell 50 meters, raising high columns of water without causing damage. However, they were enough reason for the freighter to turn and quickly move away towards the mouths of the river, at the same time that the warship prepared to repel the aggression. Immediately after the Claquins, an Avro Lincoln appeared at high speed, with its lower doors open.
In a desperate attempt to avoid the attack, the “Cervantes” approached the merchant ship thinking that the aviator would not dare to harm it, but the Avro Lincoln launched its bomb, causing a tremendous explosion that shook the structures of both ships.
The destroyers attempted to avoid the charges by continually veering from right to left while opening fire and shaking the air with their guns.
The plane moved away, leaving the battered ships in the rain behind it, pointing its bows in the direction of Uruguay.
Of the two vessels, the “Cervantes” was the one in the worst condition. She listed, with loss of speed and a damaged turbine, she was practically out of combat because her artillery pieces were almost not operating.
In front of the Uruguayan capital, Captain Gnavi contacted his counterpart from the “La Rioja” to notify him that he urgently needed to enter port. Palomeque agreed, so the "Cervantes", placing its artillery in the center, headed towards the neighboring shore and moved away from it. At that point, attention to the wounded was more than urgent.


The seriously damaged ARA "La Rioja" heads to Montevideo followed by the "Cervantes" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

It was 6:30 p.m. when, within sight of Montevideo, the tugboat “Capella y Pons” approached, belonging to the Uruguayan navy and positioned itself next to the “La Rioja” to request moorings.
Its commander, Captain Diego Culachín, established contact with the destroyer and
Palomeque informed her that there was one dead and several wounded on board and that she needed to transfer immediately to return to battle.
The transfer operation did not take long to wait. The sailors placed Cadet Guillochon's body on a stretcher, covered it with the Argentine flag and transferred it with great care to the Uruguayan ship. Behind him did the same, also on stretchers, the cadets Maañón and Bárcena and the artillery non-commissioned officer Ángel Stamati, who despite his serious injuries, asked to remain on board.
When the last wounded man was in the “Capella y Pons” and the storm began to stir the waters, the voice of Cadet Ferrotto, in charge of the signals, put everyone on alert.

-Enemy planes!! – He shouted – Enemy planes!!

Following instructions, the crew ran to their stations as they had done so many times during exercises and maneuvers, while the Uruguayan tug hurriedly unhooked and moved away.
In the distance, she was silhouetted against the leaden gray of the sky, a formation of four fighters approaching rapidly towards the destroyers.

-Loosen the ties, damn it!!! – thundered the voice of an officer.
-Prepare artillery!!! – ordered another.
-Stop!! - someone suddenly shouted - They are Uruguayan planes!!

Through their binoculars, Captain Palomeque and his officers were able to distinguish the four P-51D Mustang aircraft of the Uruguayan Air Force approaching quickly on a cover mission, ready to provide protection to the Argentine ships in case they were harassed.

-They are planes preparing to attack! - Cadet Ferrotto shouted again - They are attacking us!!
-But stupid cadet!!! Don't you realize they are Uruguayans?!! – Captain Peralta shouted furiously.

The planes passed by the ships, flying at low altitude, sporting the colors of their country on their tail, a fact that calmed the combatants on board, restoring their serenity.
While the “Cervantes” was towed towards Montevideo, the “La Rioja” put pressure on its machines and moved away inland ready to continue the fight, legally evading the internment that international law establishes for belligerent forces that arrive in neutral countries.
Both the “Cervantes” and the “Capella y Pons” slowly entered the port of Montevideo and moored next to the docks, a maneuver witnessed by a crowd of Uruguayan citizens, men and women, who had gathered early to continue their journey. close to war actions1.
The disembarkation of the dead and wounded had a profound impact on the spirit of those who had come there and the descent of the cadets of the “Cervantes” was greeted with cheers and applause, reminding more than one Uruguayan of similar events that occurred sixteen years ago when The crew of the “Graf Spee” landed in that same place.



The fight has ended. "La Rioja" shows the damage she has suffered (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


The "La Rioja" bridge riddled by the 20 mm cannons of the Gloster Meteor (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


According to ten journalists in Así Cayó Perón. Chronicle of the triumphant revolutionary movement, near the Customs and in front of the entrances to the port, a real crowd had gathered, struggling to get closer to the “Cervantes” in search of news. Among the audience were family and friends of the crew members who were trying to find out if their loved ones were among the victims.
At 8:45 p.m., Uruguayan radio stations made a dramatic request for blood for the wounded sailors, interrupting their usual programs to make the request effective. Dozens of people approached the Military Hospital and the Maciel Hospital to enter two at a time.
The Argentine combatants were housed in specially equipped barracks in the port area where they were fed and assisted with care, while they were given all kinds of attention. They also received visits, most of them from important personalities from the neighboring country, one of them, Mrs. Matilde Ibáñez Tálice, wife of who was president of Uruguay until 1951, Luis Batlle Berres. The lady, born in Buenos Aires, personally took care of many of the cadets' needs.
Shortly after disembarking, Cadet Cejas died and two days later the death of Cadet Vega occurred, raising the death toll to eight. Maañón was operated on and treated by Dr. Vecchi, a prominent Uruguayan physician, who warned the soldier that he could die during the intervention. Maañón gave his consent to be operated on but first wrote a farewell letter to his father, explaining the alternatives that he had experienced (2).

At night, an honor guard was set up at the Uruguayan Navy headquarters, where those who died in combat were laid to rest. It was placed in charge of frigate lieutenant Fernando Nis who, during the second attack by the Gloster Meteor, was in the engine room with his boss, ship lieutenant Alejandro Sahores, who had been killed by enemy projectiles. 4th year cadet Luis Bayá was part of the guard.
Many more people came to the scene to send their condolences or simply browse, while dozens of journalists struggled to obtain information. And while that was happening, the radio stations continued to provide extensive coverage of the events, as did the newspapers, which the next morning announced the news with big headlines.
Both “La Rioja” and “Cervantes” had a brilliant performance. With them, the Argentine Navy starred in the first air-naval battle in its history, paying in blood for the experience. Its commanders and crews were up to the task, with Captain Rafael Palomeque standing out especially for his brilliant actions in the line of duty. They had operated beyond what was required and had performed heroically, safeguarding national honor. Admiral Rojas had every reason to be proud of his people 3.


Staff of "La Rioja". Sitting in the front row, in the center, his commander, Captain Rafael Palomeque (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Crew of the "La Rioja" with its commander, Cap. Rafael Palomeque behind the lifeguard (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


The "La Rioja" in the dry dock of the Tandanor Shipyard in Buenos Aires, after the battle (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)



P-51D Mustang aircraft of the Uruguayan Air Force offered cover to the Argentine ships when they entered the port of Montevideo

Notes

1. People and authorities would demonstrate a height worthy of their tradition when offering help and attention to foreign fighters.
2. Fortunately, Dr. Vecchi was an eminence and the brave cadet survived and once the war was over he returned to his country to rejoin the Navy, retiring years later, with the rank of frigate captain.
3. The details of the confrontation were extracted from “El torpedero “La Rioja” y su intervención en la batalla aeronaval del Río de la Plata”, by Juan Manuel Jiménez Baliani, appearing in the Boletín del Centro Naval Nº 773 of February 1994; The Revolution of '55, Volume II, by Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, Puerto Belgrano. Hour 0. The Navy revolts, by Miguel Ángel Cavallo and Así Caó Perón. Chronicle of the triumphant revolutionary movement, by ten Argentine journalists.
   

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón

Military Intervention to Banda Oriental: Battle of India Muerta

Battle of India Muerta

At the beginning of 1845 the fight was going to resume in the Argentine territory, but the war has never been interrupted. In Uruguay three armies of the Confederation are fighting and in Oribe's there are Argentine battalions. There has also been some insignificant meeting in Entre Ríos, promoted by the governor of Corrientes. But now Rosas will have before him the most notable of our soldiers, General Paz, who has just been appointed chief of the Allied Pacifying Army in Corrientes, and who has already begun to organize his troops. This appointment is not the only skill of the Corrientes government. His trade treaty with Paraguay, which Rosas considers a betrayal, because a province cannot agree with a foreigner, is the first step towards military collaboration.

Manuel Oribe defeated Fructuoso Rivera in Arroyo Grande (December 6, 1842). He lost all his army, and even his pistols and sword of honor, which he threw away in order to flee. This act of arms meant the end of the Federation of Uruguay that Rivera presided over. After that battle, the Rosas troops commanded by General Oribe crossed Uruguay, while Rivera's troops fled towards Montevideo without offering resistance. After that, Oribe with almost the entire country in his power. He set out to besiege Montevideo, in a siege that would last nine years and would be remembered by Uruguayan histography as the “Big Site”. And establish his seat of government in what is now known as the Cerrito de la Victoria neighborhood, in what was then the outskirts of Montevideo.

Fructuoso Rivera, who had not exercised acts of government except as he passed, at the points he occupied with his arms, was followed by the army under the command of Urquiza, who caught up with him in the Sierra de Malbajar, and forced him to cross the border and take refuge in Rio Grande. On behalf of the eastern government, Rivera addressed the Marquis de Caxias, Commander-in-Chief of the Empire's forces in that province, with whom he had had negotiations through his secretary, José Luis Bustamante. There he was able to reorganize with the help of weapons, clothing and horses that he received. The last days of January 1845 he passed to the eastern frontier. His divisions, under the command of Colonels Flores, Freire and Silveira, had minor clashes with those of Urquiza; but as he passed in mid-February from the north to the south of the Negro River and laid siege to the town of Melo, Urquiza gathered his forces and on the 21st moved from Cordobés in the direction of Cerro Largo. Rivera hid in the Sierra del Olimar and Cebollatí. Urquiza countermarched the 23rd of the Dead Fraile, and headed for the path of the blade, with the design of putting himself on the right flank and leading the way. But it was useless. Rivera, knowing the terrain, made Urquiza march and countermarch in order to ruin his horse and fall on him at a propitious moment. They remained like this until March 31, when Urquiza moved from his Los Chanchos camp, upon learning that Rivera, at the head of 3,000 men, was going to take the town of Minas. Urquiza was able to prevent him from reaching the San Francisco bar on time, but he had to remain at this point to give his horses a rest. On the 21st Rivera gathered his entire army and headed for Urquiza. On the 25th both armies sighted each other, and on the 26th he took up positions in the fields of India Muerta.

Rivera had just over 4,000 men; Urquiza had 3,000, most of them veterans. At sunrise on March 27, Urquiza led two strong guerrillas through the Sarandí stream, and behind them he advanced his columns, extending his line within Rivera's cannon shot, and made up the right: from the Entre Ríos division under the command of Colonel Urdinarrain ; center: three companies of the Entre Ríos battalion and three artillery pieces under the command of Major Francia; left: eight cavalry squadrons, two infantry companies and the eastern division commanded by Colonel Galarza. The Entre Ríos squadrons carried out a tremendous charge with saber and spear on the left and center of Rivera, the first made up of recently incorporated militias from the departments of Río Negro, and the second of an infantry battalion and two artillery pieces, respectively commanded by Colonels Baez, Luna, Silva and Tavares. The federal charges were irresistible, and very soon the battle on Rivera's right was reduced, where his best forces were under the command of General Medina, leader of the vanguard. Faced with the danger of being outflanked and encircled, Rivera personally went to his left to redo it, which he was able to accomplish by bringing some squadrons into combat. But Urquiza then launched his reserves, and after an hour of fierce fighting he completely defeated him, killing more than 400 men, among whom there were thirty-odd chiefs and officers; taking about 500 prisoners, the park, horses, all
to his correspondence, and even his sword with shots and balls.

“I notified you of the unfortunate event of the 27th –Rivera writes to his wife- unfortunately I suffered another contrast that forced us to cross the Yaguarón in a bit of a hurry. I lost part of the mount and since that day we have been under the protection of the imperial authorities”.

This victory forever destroyed the military influence of the director of the war against Rosas.

In Buenos Aires, where the news arrives on the last day of March, the triumph is celebrated with great parties: fireworks, downloads, lighting, flagging and street demonstrations with music. A column of four to five thousand people arrives in Palermo. There are deputies, judges, officials. Rosas does not show up to receive his tribute and they are attended by Manuelita.

At the end of January, Admiral Brown, by order of Rosas, has restored the blockade. No longer the partial blockade, like the previous year, to certain merchandises and the exemption for England and France, but the absolute one. But Admiral Lainé does not know. Converted since the previous year into an enemy of Rosas, into another Purvis, he applauds the legionnaires and says he cannot dissolve them because they are no longer French. At the same time, he harasses Oribe, ignores his rights and does not allow other Frenchmen to go to Buenos Aires. He has established in Montevideo, an undoubted intervention. He is the one who now rules there. Very little is missing for the city to be occupied by France. Rosas then decreed, to the indignation of the representatives of France and England, that the ships that had landed in Montevideo should not enter Buenos Aires, the true port of destination.

After India Muerta, the fall of Montevideo seemed inevitable. The government itself even declared that the city could not sustain itself for forty days with its own resources. Oribe convened in May for the renewal of the legislative assembly and elections for the president of the Republic, and proposes the surrender. Repulsed, he prepares to attack. Lainé and Inglefield declare that they will not allow the fall of the city. And that is when they provide it with weapons, ammunition and food and when troops land. And the government of Montevideo writes to the government of Brazil some infamous and shameful words according to which Uruguay, almost having to surrender to a foreign power, "rather than succumb under the blade of Rosas" -words verbatim- "would lie down with preference in the arms of an American power”. That is to say, that before being governed by their compatriot Oribe, hero of Uruguayan independence, one of the "33" and head of Ituzaingó, those bad Uruguayans prefer to be Brazilians, they prefer to hand over their homeland to Brazil, the only and perpetual enemy of Their independence.

Once again, foreigners prevent the fall of Montevideo. Now only four hundred and nine Orientals defend it. The rest of the troops are slaves, mostly belonging to foreigners and in number of six hundred and eighteen; and 2,500 foreigners, including 1,554 French. What have the remaining thousand Frenchmen done? The most serious, as well as others who never formed in the legion, have taken refuge in Buenos Aires. From here they address a petition to the French government, where these significant words are read: "Mr. Lainé, has he been sent to protect the dying party that dominates in Montevideo, or to protect us?" That dying party, those four hundred and nine men, now that Rivera's army does not exist, represent the Eastern State for France and England. And in the name of that handful of individuals, France and England come to get involved in the politics of La Plata, to rule as owners, to impose themselves with their cannons.

And the emigrants? The number of Argentines who defend the plaza is barely one hundred and thirty. Very few more are those who carry weapons. The rest are in Buenos Aires or in Brazil. But those few Argentines are the owners of the Montevideo government, mainly Florencio Varela. Varela must be happy, seeing the result of his mission to Europe, seeing his homeland about to go to war against the two great powers of the world, in danger of being destroyed and devastated.

Source

• Efemérides – Patricios de Vuelta de Obligado (2008).
• Gálvez, Manuel – Vida de Don Juan Manuel de Rosas – Ed. Tor – Buenos Aires (1954).
• Portal www.revisionistas.com.ar
• Saldías, Adolfo – Historia de la Confederación Argentina.

Source: www.revisionistas.com.ar