Malvinas: Cover Operation on Cow Beach, 1966

Secret Landing at Cow Bay/Playa Vaca

Operation Cow Beach was conceived in the shadows of a turbulent era—an epic chapter in the history of the Argentine Navy, where determination and stealth combined to confront a challenge that had lingered for over a century. The year was 1966, and Argentina, ruled by a military junta following the overthrow of President Arturo Illia, was growing weary of its diplomatic claims over the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands. The shadow of British incursion, cast over the islands since 1833, loomed heavily in the minds of naval strategists.




The incident involving Aerolíneas Argentinas Flight 648, hijacked by a group of extremists and diverted to the archipelago, had stirred already turbulent waters. It was a stark reminder that the situation in the Falklands could escalate without warning, and that Argentina needed to be prepared for a confrontation scenario. Thus, in the shadowy offices of Buenos Aires, a plan was drawn up involving one of the fleet’s most veteran submarines—the ARA Santiago del Estero, a former USS Lamprey from the Second World War, repurposed as the guardian of a secret mission.



Aerolíneas Argentinas Flight 648 was hijacked by Argentine extremists on 28 September 1966 and diverted to the Falklands, where they meekly surrendered to the British colonial authorities.


On 28 October 1966, with its diesel engines roaring beneath the waves, the ARA Santiago del Estero silently navigated the frigid waters of the South Atlantic. Under the command of Frigate Captain Horacio González Llanos and Corvette Captain Juan José Lombardo, the submarine stealthily approached the coast of East Falkland, just 40 kilometres from Port Stanley, the capital of the British colony. On board, twelve Navy men—including Sub-Lieutenant Oscar Héctor García Rabini—waited tensely for the moment to act.


Diagram of the Navigation Route Taken by Submarine S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero of the Argentine Navy During Operation "Cow Beach", Late October 1966




Cow Bay, Soledad Island/East Falkland (Argentine Republic)

The plan was clear: they were to land on a remote beach, just a few kilometres north of the British position, to gather vital intelligence for future landings. The beach had to be thoroughly surveyed—its gradient, potential underwater obstacles, approach routes—everything needed to be charted without leaving a trace. In the dimness of night, the men assembled their kayaks on the deck of the barely surfaced submarine, and the silence was broken only by the gentle lapping of the waves.


Crew and Command Staff of Submarine S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero – Argentine Navy.

Arrival of S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero (SS-372 USS Lamprey) at Mar del Plata Naval Base from the United States, 1960
(Photograph by Enrique Mario Palacio)


The two Balao-class submarines, S-11 ARA Santa Fe and S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero, which served in the Argentine Navy between 1960 and 1971, should not be confused with the later submarines of the same class modernised to GUPPY IA standard—S-21 and S-22—which replaced them from 1971 onwards and carried the same names. In this image, the veteran S-11 and S-12 can be seen at the end of their service life at the Mar del Plata Naval Base, while in the background lies the new S-22 ARA Santiago del Estero, their replacement, ready to take on the duties left behind by its predecessors. The S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero was retired after a decade of service, having taken part in important missions such as Operation Cow Beach, which became a notable chapter in the history of the Argentine Navy.



S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero Moored at its Home Pier, Mar del Plata Naval Base.

The First Incursion and an Unexpected Encounter

The first incursion was a success. The men landed and explored the coastline, mapping every detail. However, the second night brought an unexpected twist. In the darkness, García Rabini spotted a kelper—a local island settler—watching them from atop a cliff. They knew that being discovered could spark an unprecedented diplomatic crisis. Acting swiftly, they captured the islander and tied him up as they debated their next move. Killing him was not an option—the mission was one of intelligence gathering, not combat. But they also couldn’t risk the man alerting the British authorities.

Then, an idea emerged—both bold and unusual. Some crew members returned to the submarine to fetch a bottle of whisky from the captain’s cabin. They went back to the cliff and forced the kelper to drink until he was semi-conscious, leaving him behind at the very spot where they had found him. With the mission aborted to avoid further complications, the group returned to the submarine, carrying with them the valuable intelligence they had collected.

Born on 19 March 1927 in Salto, Buenos Aires Province, Juan José Lombardo was a key figure in the history of the Argentine Navy. As a Sub-Lieutenant, he served as Second-in-Command aboard submarine S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero during the successful Operation Cow Beach in the Falkland Islands on 28 October 1966—a mission that would become a landmark in Argentina's intelligence operations in the South Atlantic. On 15 December 1981, by then holding the rank of Vice Admiral, he was summoned by the Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Jorge Isaac Anaya, to receive a mission that would alter the course of Argentine history: the Falklands.

The Return to Mar del Plata
The journey back to Mar del Plata was as silent as the outbound voyage. Upon arrival, absolute silence was ordered regarding the events that had taken place. None of the participants—not even to their families—were to speak of what had happened in the frigid waters of the South Atlantic. Despite the unforeseen developments, the mission was deemed a success. The data gathered was handed over to the Navy General Staff—a strategic asset that could have proved critical had diplomatic negotiations failed.


The two Balao-class submarines, S-11 ARA Santa Fe and S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero, which served in the Argentine Navy from 1960 to 1971, should not be confused with later submarines of the same class—modernised to GUPPY IA standard—S-21 and S-22, which replaced them from 1971 and bore the same names. In this image, one of the original submarines is seen underway shortly after its arrival in Argentina, already without the forward gun that had been removed as part of its adaptation and modernisation for new missions in the South Atlantic.

Legacy of a Silent Mission
Years later, Commander García Rabini would recall those days with quiet pride, fully aware of the significance of the mission. Although the Cow Beach operation report was not directly used during the 1982 Falklands conflict, it stood as a testament to the commitment and audacity of those sailors who defied history to keep the flame of Argentine sovereignty alive.

The Story of Operation Cow Beach

Interwoven with both legend and fact, the story of Operation Cow Beach remains a hidden episode within the broader struggle over the Falklands—a moment when a small group of men faced the sea, the darkness, and the looming shadows of a war that, though not yet begun, echoed with the weight of the inevitable. It stands as a reminder that the fight for sovereignty is not waged solely on battlefields, but also in silences, in the waves, and in the whisper of the wind on a lonely South Atlantic beach.


Commander Oscar Héctor García Rabini. Now aged 83, retired Commander Oscar Héctor García Rabini is the Argentine naval officer who, in 1966 as a Sub-Lieutenant, led one of the most daring missions in the history of the Argentine Navy. At the head of a special forces incursion, he landed on the shores of East Falkland on 28 October of that year, during the secret Operation Cow Beach. Launched from the depths of the ocean by the submarine S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero, the mission was cloaked in silence and darkness, aimed at collecting vital intelligence to support Argentina’s sovereignty claims over the Falkland Islands/Islas Malvinas.


Cow Beach/Playa Vaca, Southern Tip – Photograph Taken from ARA Santiago del Estero by Miguel Salvatierra, 28/10/1966


Balao-Class Submarine S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero. The Balao-class submarine, formerly the US Navy’s SS-372 USS Lamprey, served the United States from 1944 until 1960, when it was transferred to the Argentine Navy and renamed S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero. In the photograph, the submarine is seen departing from the Mar del Plata Naval Base, home to Argentina’s Submarine Force Command. It operated from this base until 1971, when it was replaced by the S-22 ARA Santiago del Estero—a submarine of the same class but modernised to the GUPPY IA standard. The arrival of this updated vessel marked the end of an era for the veteran S-12, which had taken part in key operations such as Cow Beach, demonstrating the Navy’s steadfast commitment to national sovereignty.


ASW Frigate P-36 ARA Piedrabuena in the Periscope Crosshairs of ARA Santiago del Estero During Combat Exercises


Cargo Transfer Between Submarine ARA Santiago del Estero and Destroyer D-10 ARA San Luis


Surface Navigation of S-12 ARA Santiago del Estero en Route to Its Objective. As a Balao-class submarine that had not undergone the GUPPY IA modernisation, the vessel lacked a snorkel and high-capacity batteries. Consequently, it still had to operate like a Second World War-era submarine—navigating mostly on the surface, at least at night and in low-risk areas.

A Practical Guide to Detect Anglophilia in Argentina

Anglophilia: A Practical Guide to Detecting It

 

Demalvinisation refers to the systematic process of minimising, silencing, or discrediting Argentina’s narrative, memory, or national sentiment around the Falklands/Malvinas War and its claim to the islands—particularly after 1982.

After the Battle for the Malvinas, the United Kingdom faced the challenge of constructing an "exportable" doctrine—tailored specifically for Argentina and designed to penetrate the Argentine psyche in order to diminish any sense of national pride that might once again ignite the powerful will to resist, as was shown in 1982.

That experience became the UK's greatest military disaster since the Second World War. London, aware that there can be no defence without first possessing the determination and will to claim what Argentinians know to be rightfully theirs—as demonstrated in the Malvinas—found that the most effective long-term strategy was to suppress Argentina’s will and determination. To that end, they set about engaging Argentine organisations, public figures, and politicians who would actively work to erode national self-esteem while simultaneously convincing the public that the "Malvinas issue" wasn’t so serious or important as to hinder other potential areas of development or cooperation with the UK.

The processes of demalvinisation and the dismantling of Argentina’s Armed Forces were just the tip of the iceberg, the visible portion of a much broader ideological infrastructure that was encouraged, promoted, and even financed by the United Kingdom. Often left out of view are the legislators, businessmen, and high-ranking military officers who silently (and increasingly less so) make up this powerful structure, whose brain operates both from across the Atlantic and from within Argentina itself.

A major triumph of this British strategy—promoted in Argentina by many compatriots—has been the continual downplaying of the Malvinas Conflict, and the construction of a language that, passively and almost unconsciously, has been absorbed by anglophile citizens who have become repeaters of narratives crafted by the British establishment.

Today, we offer a practical guide for recognising an anglophile—whether they are an active participant in that British-built skeleton operating in Argentina, or simply a citizen who dreams of belonging to the "Anglo world" due to national self-esteem issues (proof, if any were needed, that the British plan worked) or a disconnection from their own national identity.

An anglophile, be they civilian, military, or political, is easily identified because, lacking authentic arguments, they always resort to the same language as their "brothers", to favour, promote, and defend British interests in Argentina. Here are some of their most common expressions:

🇬🇧 “The war was a desperate manoeuvre by the Military Junta. A meaningless war.”
(Denies the historical background, legal precedents, and international law supporting Argentina’s sovereignty claim.)

🇬🇧 “The only way to recover the Malvinas is through peaceful means.”
(In practice, advocates for military dismantling, deliberately ignoring the concept of deterrence. This sort of anglophile would probably consider San Martín merely a murderer for taking up arms in the cause of independence.)

🇬🇧 “We must cooperate with the British in all other areas without jeopardising the sovereignty issue.”
(A dangerous anglophile: effectively proposes postponing sovereignty discussions—when they should be a top priority—while encouraging us to “burn through” tools of pressure and cooperation that could strengthen our negotiation stance.)

🇬🇧 “It’s impossible to manufacture national weapons systems—it would take 20 years to develop deterrent technology.”
(A mentally colonised anglophile relying on arguments from the 1990s. Well, over 30 years have passed and there’s still been no will to produce anything. The Cóndor II missile took under a decade from design to launch readiness. This kind of anglophile seeks to turn national defence development into a utopia in order to maintain dependency.)

🇬🇧 “The Malvinas would be ours today if we hadn’t started the war in 1982.”
(A malicious anglophile who falsely blames Argentina for starting the war and ignores the UK’s original aggression in 1833. This specimen denies Argentina’s right to legitimate self-defence under international law.)

🇬🇧 “We’ll recover the Malvinas when we convince the kelpers (Falklanders) to want to be Argentinian.”
(A servile anglophile: not only accepts British occupation, but insists we must “seduce” a population implanted by force—granting them a right to self-determination they do not possess. The kelpers have no legitimate say, being a population settled by an occupying power.)

🇬🇧 “We’ll recover the Malvinas when it becomes too costly for the UK to maintain their defence.”
(A sophisticated neo-anglophile: this logic delays urgent action, ignoring that no cost in history has ever deterred the UK from its imperial foothold. In 1982, during a major economic crisis, Britain still dispatched a fleet over 13,000 km. A statement of naïveté or outright irresponsibility.)

🇬🇧 “The Malvinas war was pointless.”
(One of the most harmful kinds of anglophiles. This argument was central to demalvinisation and has driven many veterans to take their own lives, believing their fight was meaningless. This type denies all historical, legal, and international support for Argentina’s claim, and supports dismantling the Armed Forces by suggesting they are unnecessary. Also ignores the basic principles of Defence and deterrence.)

🇬🇧 “There are no longer any conflict hypotheses.”
(A foolish anglophile: It’s not a hypothesis—there is a conflict. An Argentine province remains under foreign occupation, yet this mantra helps pave the way for disarmament, perfectly aligned with British interests.)

Know other anglophile expressions we missed? Let us know in the comments.

Text: Eric Torrado – Malvinas en la Mira

Argentina: The De-Araucanisation of Argentine Lands

The De-Araucanisation of Argentine Toponymy

Proposal for Changes to Toponymy in Argentina: Restoring the Authentic Indigenous Peoples in the Face of Araucanian/Mapuche Appropriation

Abstract

This report analyses the proposal to modify place names in Argentina by replacing those of Mapuche or Araucanian origin with names in the languages of peoples who were ancestrally settled to the east of the Andes, such as the Tehuelches or Aonikenk. The proposal is based on historical and linguistic evidence demonstrating that the Mapuche are indigenous to the western slopes of the Andes, in what is now Chile, and that their presence in Argentine Patagonia is the result of a relatively recent expansion, beginning in the seventeenth century. The work of anthropologist Rodolfo Casamiquela on this phenomenon will be reviewed, as well as the influence of foreign organisations, such as Mapuche International Links, which promote claims lacking solid historical foundations and exhibiting notable ideological bias.

 

1. Introduction

Toponymy in Argentina reflects the history of the peoples who have inhabited its territory. However, in recent decades, a movement has emerged seeking to impose a narrative portraying the Mapuche as the sole indigenous people of Patagonia, a claim that contradicts archaeological, anthropological, and linguistic research. Given the importance of historical and territorial identity, this report argues for the need to restore traditional names linked to the truly pre-existing peoples of Argentine Patagonia, primarily the Tehuelches (Aonikenk and Güŋüna Küne) and the Pampas, displacing place names imposed by the Mapuche expansion from Chile.

2. The Trans-Andean Origin of the Araucanians and Their Eastward Expansion

2.1 Historical and Anthropological Evidence

Archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence indicates that the Mapuche did not inhabit eastern Patagonia prior to the seventeenth century. In his work Who Were the Tehuelches? An Ethnicity on the Verge of Extinction (1969), Rodolfo Casamiquela refutes the notion that the Mapuche are the original inhabitants of Argentine territory, documenting their advance from Chile through a process of acculturation and subjugation of the indigenous peoples who had lived there. Casamiquela notes that the term "Araucanisation" refers to the cultural, linguistic, and political imposition of Mapuche influence over the Tehuelches and other groups east of the Andes.

The Tehuelches, comprising groups such as the Aonikenk and Güŋüna Küne, occupied vast areas of Argentine Patagonia from pre-Hispanic times. Their presence has been confirmed through archaeological studies in the central and southern plateaus of the country. In contrast, the Mapuche only appear in the region during relatively recent times, as a result of migrations and interethnic conflicts.

2.2 Linguistic and Cultural Evidence

Casamiquela also highlights the progressive disappearance of the Tehuelche languages due to the process of Mapuchisation. Prior to the seventeenth century, Argentine Patagonia was inhabited by groups who spoke languages distinct from Mapudungun. However, with the Mapuche expansion, these languages were replaced, and today only vestiges remain in toponymy and ethnographic records.

Linguist Viegas Barros (1998) reinforces this view by pointing out that the Tehuelche (Aonikenk) language has its own distinctive roots, separate from Mapudungun, further evidencing that the Aonikenk were the original inhabitants of the region prior to the arrival of the Mapuche.

2.3 The Historical Presence of the Aonikenk and the Late Arrival of the Mapuche

The Aonikenk, commonly referred to as Tehuelches or Patagonians, were the original inhabitants of Argentine Patagonia. Their presence is recorded from the time of European expeditions, such as Magellan’s in 1520 and FitzRoy and Darwin’s explorations in the nineteenth century. Anthropological and linguistic studies have confirmed their existence in the territory since pre-Columbian times.

Anthropologist and historian Rodolfo Casamiquela (1978) was a leading figure in demonstrating the prior presence of the Tehuelches in eastern Patagonia. In his work The Techno-Cultural Areas of Southern Argentina and Chile, he argues that the Mapuche migration eastward across the Andes was a relatively recent phenomenon, and that the Araucanisation of the Tehuelches was a forced process of cultural and linguistic assimilation (Casamiquela, 1978).

Casamiquela maintains that the Mapuche originated from the western side of the Andes and crossed into Argentine territory in search of new resources and trading opportunities, spurred by the introduction of horses brought by the Spanish. This process, which intensified between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, led to a linguistic and cultural replacement that eventually gave rise to the mistaken belief that the Mapuche were Patagonia’s ancestral inhabitants.

Moreover, colonial records and accounts by European travellers confirm that until the mid-eighteenth century, there is no documented Mapuche presence in the Pampas or Patagonia. In contrast, Tehuelche settlements are well documented across vast areas of modern Argentine territory (Bridges, 1948; Borrero, 2001).

3. Toponymy and the Need for Change

Toponymy in Argentina has been profoundly altered by Mapuche expansion. Many names of Tehuelche origin have been replaced by Mapudungun terms as a result of the cultural imposition suffered by these peoples. Clear examples include:

• Chubut, originally Tchubut, an Aonikenk word meaning "transparent", although later reinterpreted through a Mapuche phonetic lens.

• Neuquén, a Mapuche term that superseded previous names used by the indigenous peoples of the area.

• Río Negro, a region originally populated by the Pampas and Güŋüna Küne before the Mapuche arrival.

A process of restoring ancestral place names would be an act of historical justice, allowing the true identity of the peoples who inhabited Argentina prior to Mapuche expansion to be reclaimed.

Cities and Regions in the Province of Buenos Aires with Araucanian Names That Could Be Changed to Their Corresponding Aonikenk (or Spanish) Equivalents

4. External Interference: Mapuche International Links and Its Role in Historical Distortion

4.1 Origin and Composition of the Organisation

One of the main sources supporting the narrative of Mapuche ancestral presence in Patagonia is the organisation Mapuche International Links, whose website (https://www.mapuche-nation.org/) promotes a biased version of history. Strikingly, this organisation is headquartered in the United Kingdom and funded by British sources, raising questions about its true interests in the region.

Moreover, its composition is highly irregular: although it presents itself as an organisation defending the Mapuche people, only one of its members is of Chilean origin, while the rest are British citizens. This imbalance suggests that the organisation may be operating with a covert geopolitical agenda rather than a genuine interest in indigenous rights.

4.2 Lack of Evidence Behind Their Claims

Mapuche International Links bases its claims on oral tradition without archaeological or documentary support. Historical sources from Argentina and Chile, including the chronicles of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century missionaries and travellers, confirm that the Mapuche did not inhabit eastern Patagonia prior to the process of Araucanisation. Their arrival resulted from a series of migratory movements that, in many cases, involved the conquest and assimilation of local peoples.

The insistence on an alleged "ancestral" Mapuche presence in Argentine Patagonia lacks foundation and appears to be driven more by political and economic interests than by historical reality.

5. Conclusion and Recommendations

The revision of toponymy in Argentina is a matter of historical justice for the peoples who are truly indigenous to the territory. Given that the Mapuche presence in Argentine Patagonia is the result of a recent expansion rather than an ancestral occupation, it is necessary to restore names of Tehuelche, Aonikenk, and Pampa origin, replacing those imposed through Mapuche influence.

It is also crucial to highlight the interference of foreign organisations such as Mapuche International Links, whose agenda appears more aligned with external interests than with the historical reality of Argentina's indigenous peoples. Identifying and studying these actors will provide a clearer understanding of the political background behind the attempted manipulation of historical narratives.

The restoration of authentic toponymy not only corrects a historical distortion but also reinforces national identity and preserves the memory of the true indigenous peoples of Argentine Patagonia. Unfortunately, the Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires — misleadingly presenting itself as a private institution under the name Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) — strengthens this cultural invasion by offering courses in the language of the invading group. The Universidad Nacional del Comahue is also involved in this cultural and indigenist invasion, promoting the hoisting of the Araucanian flag and endorsing absurd pre-Columbian festivities.

In light of the analysis presented, it is reasonable to propose a review of the current toponymy in Argentina with the aim of restoring names that more accurately reflect the historical and cultural identity of the region. This would involve:

• Replacing Mapuche names with Aonikenk/Tehuelche denominations, recognising their earlier presence in Patagonia and the Pampas.

• Promoting historical and linguistic research to recover the original names of rivers, mountains, and localities prior to Araucanisation.

• Raising public awareness of the true history of Argentina's indigenous peoples, avoiding ideological manipulation or foreign interests in the construction of artificial identities.

 

References

• Borrero, L. (2001). Los Tehuelches: Historia y Arqueología de un Pueblo Nómade.
• Bridges, L. (1948). Uttermost Part of the Earth.
• Casamiquela, R. (1969). ¿Quiénes eran los Tehuelches? Una etnia en vías de extinción. Buenos Aires: Eudeba.
• Viegas Barros, J. (1998). Estudios sobre la lengua tehuelche. Universidad de Buenos Aires.
• Mandrini, R. (2006). Los pueblos originarios de la Argentina: su historia desde los primeros pobladores hasta la conquista europea. Buenos Aires: Eudeba.
• Crónicas de viajeros y misioneros del siglo XVIII y XIX sobre los tehuelches y mapuches.

This report proposes a concrete action for the recovery of Patagonia’s historical identity, based on available archaeological, linguistic, and historical evidence. Below is a list of locations named using terms from the Araucanian/Mapuche language under the "Mapuche" column, with approximate translations into English and Aonikenk provided in the corresponding columns. It is proposed that Araucanian toponyms be replaced with their equivalents in either Spanish or Aonikenk.

As part of the cultural battle against false indigenism, which portrays the Araucanian people as victims, it is necessary to follow the path of historical evidence to restore the cultural heritage of the peoples who genuinely inhabited Patagonia.

Places with Araucanian Toponymy and Their Translation, Where Feasible, into the Aonikenk Language

Number	Mapuche	English	Aonikenk
1	Aconcagua	Mountain that watches
2	Aluminé	Shine at the bottom
3	Angaco	People of the heights	Chantel Al
4	Anguil	Fox	Patnk
5	Añelo	Place where one hears	Yaich Aike
6	Aruncohue	Mud place	Tako Aike
7	Atreucó	Water of thunder	Karut Katenke
8	Banderaló	Place with flags	Bandera Käiken
9	Bariloche	People behind the mountain
10	Buta Ranquil	Large corral	Chaink Uorkenk
11	Caleufú	Green river	Jestateltenk Katenke
12	Calfucurá	Blue stone	Jeshteltenk Yaten
13	Carhué	Green place	Jestateltenk Aike
14	Carilafquén	Green lake	Jestateltenk Tamle
15	Carirriñe	Place with stones	Yaten Aike
16	Carrenleufú	River of the corral	Uorkenk Katenke
17	Chachín	Thick trunk	Chaink Majen
18	Chapalcó	Muddy water	Katenke Tako
19	Chascomús	Salty lagoon	Jechen Tamle
20	Chimehuin	Meeting place	Komuaen Aike
21	Chimpay	Place of sacrifice	Jamenke Aike
22	Chivilcoy	Place of carob trees	Akel Aike
23	Choele Choel	Race with yellow flower	Guijarro
24	Chos Malal	Yellow corral	Uaitenk Uorkenk
25	Claromecó	Three waters	Kaash Katenke
26	Colan Conhué	Place of passage	Kei Aike
27	Colhué Huapi	Red island	Kápenken Sekten
28	Collón Curá	River of stones	Yaten Katenke
29	Comahue	Place of crystal-clear waters	Jechen Katenke
30	Comicó	Place of hidden water	Kioosh Jechen
31	Copahue	Water of sulphur	Joche Tamle
32	Cuchillo-Có	Water of knives	Páijen Tamle
33	Cura Malal	Stone corral	Yaten Uorkenk
34	Curí Leuvú	River of stone	Yaten Katenke
35	Curruhué	Place of stones	Yaten Aike
36	Currumahuida	Hill of stones	Yaten Yeut
37	Domuyo	That which shakes and rumbles	Nauneuen
38	El Nihuil	The one that shines	Keóken
39	Epecuén	Almost burned	Uair
40	Epulafquen	Two lakes	Tamle Jauke
41	Epulef	Two rivers	Katenke Jauke
42	Epuyén	Place of the whirlpool	Uarrekenk Aike
43	Filo Hua Hum	Where the ridge touches the river	Katenke Filo
44	Futalaufquen	Large lake	Chaink Tamle
45	Futaleufú	Large river	Chaink Katenke
46	Ganzú Lauquen	Large lagoon	Chaink Koi
47	Guaminí	Place of the thrush	Kiken Aike
48	Guatraché	Place of the trail	Choiols Aike
49	Huanguelén	Yellow watering place	Uaitenk Koi
50	Huechulafquen	Long lake	Keikel Tamle
51	Hui Hui	Place of entrance	Aiken Aike
52	Huiliches	People of the south	Aonikenk
53	Huinca Renancó	Watering place of the huinca	Kade Koi
54	Huinganco	Place of bones	Ko Aike
55	Kilka	Drawing or writing	Ajnun
56	Leubucó	Watering place of the river	Katenke Koi
57	Lihué Calel	Mountain range of life	Asher Yeuternk
58	Limay	Crystal-clear river	Kuol Katenke
59	Limay Mahuida	Hill of the crystal-clear river	Yeut Kuol Katenke
60	Lin Calel	Three hills	Kaash Yeuternk
61	Litrán	Watering place of white stone	Orrenk Yaten Koi
62	Llao Llao	Bitter herb	Jechen Ueicurru
63	Loncopué	Toad’s head	Ualuelen Teuko
64	Los Coihues	The coihue trees	Kápenken
65	Los Menucos	The stony places	Yaten Aiken
66	Loventuel	Place of irons	Taam Aike
67	Macachín	Place of carob trees	Akel Aike
68	Machónico	Place of yellow water	Uaitenk Tamle Aike
69	Mainqué	Cliff-dwelling parrot	Keke / Chetjarre
70	Maipo	Water of the earth	Jerum Tamle
71	Malargüe	Place of corrals	Uorkenk Aike
72	Meliquina	Four mountains	Kaaje Yeuternk
73	Moquehue	Place of still water	Tamle Aike
74	Nahuel Huapi	Island of the tiger	Jaluel Sekten
75	Nahuel Mapá	Land of the tiger	Jaluel Jerum
76	Nahuel Pan	Stone tiger	Jaluel Yaten
77	Nahuel Rucá	House of the tiger	Jaluel Ku
78	Nahueve	River of the tiger	Jaluel Katenke
79	Naicó	Watering place of fire	Iaik Koi
80	Napaleofú	River of marshes	Koluel Katenke
81	Neuquén	Bold watering place
82	Nonthué	Place where waters meet	Tamle Komuaen Aike
83	Ñacuñán	Place of carob trees	Algarrobo Aike
84	Ñorquín	Thrush	Segdep
85	Ñorquinco	Watering place of the thrush	Segdep Aike
86	Paimún	Place of the whirlpool	Uarrekenk Aike
87	Palantelén	Place of the pass	Kei Aike
88	Pehuen-Có	Watering place of araucarias	Peenkal Tamle
89	Pichi Huinca	Little huinca	Kade Telenke
90	Pichi Leufú	Small river	Telenke Katenke
91	Pichi Mahuida	Small hill	Telenke Yeut
92	Picún Leufú	River of the north	Penkenk Telenke
93	Picunches	People of the north	Penkenk Al
94	Pigüé	Place of sowing	Kaichelo Aike (wheat field)
95	Pilcaniyeu	Place of yellow reeds	Uaitenk Chank Aike
96	Pilhué	Place of water of arrows	Shotel Koi Aike
97	Pillahuincó	Watering place of the arrows	Shotel Koi
98	Pilo Lil	Brook of branches	Kake Kon
99	Piltriquitrón	Hill hanging from the clouds	Kochkoch Kauen Yeut
100	Polcahué	Place of red mud	Kápenken Tako Aiken
101	Prahuaniyeu	Place of fire cane field	Iaik Chank Aike
102	Puan	Lagoon of turbid water	Epolenk Koi
103	Puelén	Place of the east	Penkoken Aike
104	Puelmapu	Land of the east	Penkoken Geute
105	Puelo	Water of the east	Penkoken Tamle
106	Pulmari	Grey lake	Temeltenk Tamle
107	Quehué	Place of reeds	Korpen Aike
108	Quemquemtreu	People of the ravines	Konkashken Al
109	Queñi	Hidden watering place	Eica Koi
110	Quequén	Place of cliffs	Jono kuinekon Aike
111	Quetrequén	Place of tremors
112	Quili Malal	Corral of three points	Kash Orrka Uorkenk
113	Quillén	Place of dreams	Kotenkesh Aike
114	Quiñihual	Place of three hills	Kaash Yeuternk Aike
115	Rancul	Reedbed	Telshen Aike
116	Realicó	Place of caldenes (tree species)	Calden Aike
117	Renca	Wild cane	Gankenk Chank
118	Ruca Choroy	House of parrots	Keke Uake
119	Salliqueló	Place of yellow clay	Uaitenk Ko Aike
120	Somuncurá	Stone that speaks	Aish Yaten
121	Tandil	Rock that beats	Sheg Yaten
122	Tapalqué	Divided watering place	Gluen Koi
123	Telén	Place of mud	Tako Aike
124	Traful	Union of waters	Katenke Komuaen

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Pueblos originarios