Argentina: The De-Araucanisation of Argentine Lands

The De-Araucanisation of Argentine Toponymy

Proposal for Changes to Toponymy in Argentina: Restoring the Authentic Indigenous Peoples in the Face of Araucanian/Mapuche Appropriation

Abstract

This report analyses the proposal to modify place names in Argentina by replacing those of Mapuche or Araucanian origin with names in the languages of peoples who were ancestrally settled to the east of the Andes, such as the Tehuelches or Aonikenk. The proposal is based on historical and linguistic evidence demonstrating that the Mapuche are indigenous to the western slopes of the Andes, in what is now Chile, and that their presence in Argentine Patagonia is the result of a relatively recent expansion, beginning in the seventeenth century. The work of anthropologist Rodolfo Casamiquela on this phenomenon will be reviewed, as well as the influence of foreign organisations, such as Mapuche International Links, which promote claims lacking solid historical foundations and exhibiting notable ideological bias.

 

1. Introduction

Toponymy in Argentina reflects the history of the peoples who have inhabited its territory. However, in recent decades, a movement has emerged seeking to impose a narrative portraying the Mapuche as the sole indigenous people of Patagonia, a claim that contradicts archaeological, anthropological, and linguistic research. Given the importance of historical and territorial identity, this report argues for the need to restore traditional names linked to the truly pre-existing peoples of Argentine Patagonia, primarily the Tehuelches (Aonikenk and Güŋüna Küne) and the Pampas, displacing place names imposed by the Mapuche expansion from Chile.

2. The Trans-Andean Origin of the Araucanians and Their Eastward Expansion

2.1 Historical and Anthropological Evidence

Archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence indicates that the Mapuche did not inhabit eastern Patagonia prior to the seventeenth century. In his work Who Were the Tehuelches? An Ethnicity on the Verge of Extinction (1969), Rodolfo Casamiquela refutes the notion that the Mapuche are the original inhabitants of Argentine territory, documenting their advance from Chile through a process of acculturation and subjugation of the indigenous peoples who had lived there. Casamiquela notes that the term "Araucanisation" refers to the cultural, linguistic, and political imposition of Mapuche influence over the Tehuelches and other groups east of the Andes.

The Tehuelches, comprising groups such as the Aonikenk and Güŋüna Küne, occupied vast areas of Argentine Patagonia from pre-Hispanic times. Their presence has been confirmed through archaeological studies in the central and southern plateaus of the country. In contrast, the Mapuche only appear in the region during relatively recent times, as a result of migrations and interethnic conflicts.

2.2 Linguistic and Cultural Evidence

Casamiquela also highlights the progressive disappearance of the Tehuelche languages due to the process of Mapuchisation. Prior to the seventeenth century, Argentine Patagonia was inhabited by groups who spoke languages distinct from Mapudungun. However, with the Mapuche expansion, these languages were replaced, and today only vestiges remain in toponymy and ethnographic records.

Linguist Viegas Barros (1998) reinforces this view by pointing out that the Tehuelche (Aonikenk) language has its own distinctive roots, separate from Mapudungun, further evidencing that the Aonikenk were the original inhabitants of the region prior to the arrival of the Mapuche.

2.3 The Historical Presence of the Aonikenk and the Late Arrival of the Mapuche

The Aonikenk, commonly referred to as Tehuelches or Patagonians, were the original inhabitants of Argentine Patagonia. Their presence is recorded from the time of European expeditions, such as Magellan’s in 1520 and FitzRoy and Darwin’s explorations in the nineteenth century. Anthropological and linguistic studies have confirmed their existence in the territory since pre-Columbian times.

Anthropologist and historian Rodolfo Casamiquela (1978) was a leading figure in demonstrating the prior presence of the Tehuelches in eastern Patagonia. In his work The Techno-Cultural Areas of Southern Argentina and Chile, he argues that the Mapuche migration eastward across the Andes was a relatively recent phenomenon, and that the Araucanisation of the Tehuelches was a forced process of cultural and linguistic assimilation (Casamiquela, 1978).

Casamiquela maintains that the Mapuche originated from the western side of the Andes and crossed into Argentine territory in search of new resources and trading opportunities, spurred by the introduction of horses brought by the Spanish. This process, which intensified between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, led to a linguistic and cultural replacement that eventually gave rise to the mistaken belief that the Mapuche were Patagonia’s ancestral inhabitants.

Moreover, colonial records and accounts by European travellers confirm that until the mid-eighteenth century, there is no documented Mapuche presence in the Pampas or Patagonia. In contrast, Tehuelche settlements are well documented across vast areas of modern Argentine territory (Bridges, 1948; Borrero, 2001).

3. Toponymy and the Need for Change

Toponymy in Argentina has been profoundly altered by Mapuche expansion. Many names of Tehuelche origin have been replaced by Mapudungun terms as a result of the cultural imposition suffered by these peoples. Clear examples include:

• Chubut, originally Tchubut, an Aonikenk word meaning "transparent", although later reinterpreted through a Mapuche phonetic lens.

• Neuquén, a Mapuche term that superseded previous names used by the indigenous peoples of the area.

• Río Negro, a region originally populated by the Pampas and Güŋüna Küne before the Mapuche arrival.

A process of restoring ancestral place names would be an act of historical justice, allowing the true identity of the peoples who inhabited Argentina prior to Mapuche expansion to be reclaimed.

Cities and Regions in the Province of Buenos Aires with Araucanian Names That Could Be Changed to Their Corresponding Aonikenk (or Spanish) Equivalents

4. External Interference: Mapuche International Links and Its Role in Historical Distortion

4.1 Origin and Composition of the Organisation

One of the main sources supporting the narrative of Mapuche ancestral presence in Patagonia is the organisation Mapuche International Links, whose website (https://www.mapuche-nation.org/) promotes a biased version of history. Strikingly, this organisation is headquartered in the United Kingdom and funded by British sources, raising questions about its true interests in the region.

Moreover, its composition is highly irregular: although it presents itself as an organisation defending the Mapuche people, only one of its members is of Chilean origin, while the rest are British citizens. This imbalance suggests that the organisation may be operating with a covert geopolitical agenda rather than a genuine interest in indigenous rights.

4.2 Lack of Evidence Behind Their Claims

Mapuche International Links bases its claims on oral tradition without archaeological or documentary support. Historical sources from Argentina and Chile, including the chronicles of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century missionaries and travellers, confirm that the Mapuche did not inhabit eastern Patagonia prior to the process of Araucanisation. Their arrival resulted from a series of migratory movements that, in many cases, involved the conquest and assimilation of local peoples.

The insistence on an alleged "ancestral" Mapuche presence in Argentine Patagonia lacks foundation and appears to be driven more by political and economic interests than by historical reality.

5. Conclusion and Recommendations

The revision of toponymy in Argentina is a matter of historical justice for the peoples who are truly indigenous to the territory. Given that the Mapuche presence in Argentine Patagonia is the result of a recent expansion rather than an ancestral occupation, it is necessary to restore names of Tehuelche, Aonikenk, and Pampa origin, replacing those imposed through Mapuche influence.

It is also crucial to highlight the interference of foreign organisations such as Mapuche International Links, whose agenda appears more aligned with external interests than with the historical reality of Argentina's indigenous peoples. Identifying and studying these actors will provide a clearer understanding of the political background behind the attempted manipulation of historical narratives.

The restoration of authentic toponymy not only corrects a historical distortion but also reinforces national identity and preserves the memory of the true indigenous peoples of Argentine Patagonia. Unfortunately, the Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires — misleadingly presenting itself as a private institution under the name Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) — strengthens this cultural invasion by offering courses in the language of the invading group. The Universidad Nacional del Comahue is also involved in this cultural and indigenist invasion, promoting the hoisting of the Araucanian flag and endorsing absurd pre-Columbian festivities.

In light of the analysis presented, it is reasonable to propose a review of the current toponymy in Argentina with the aim of restoring names that more accurately reflect the historical and cultural identity of the region. This would involve:

• Replacing Mapuche names with Aonikenk/Tehuelche denominations, recognising their earlier presence in Patagonia and the Pampas.

• Promoting historical and linguistic research to recover the original names of rivers, mountains, and localities prior to Araucanisation.

• Raising public awareness of the true history of Argentina's indigenous peoples, avoiding ideological manipulation or foreign interests in the construction of artificial identities.

 

References

• Borrero, L. (2001). Los Tehuelches: Historia y Arqueología de un Pueblo Nómade.
• Bridges, L. (1948). Uttermost Part of the Earth.
• Casamiquela, R. (1969). ¿Quiénes eran los Tehuelches? Una etnia en vías de extinción. Buenos Aires: Eudeba.
• Viegas Barros, J. (1998). Estudios sobre la lengua tehuelche. Universidad de Buenos Aires.
• Mandrini, R. (2006). Los pueblos originarios de la Argentina: su historia desde los primeros pobladores hasta la conquista europea. Buenos Aires: Eudeba.
• Crónicas de viajeros y misioneros del siglo XVIII y XIX sobre los tehuelches y mapuches.

This report proposes a concrete action for the recovery of Patagonia’s historical identity, based on available archaeological, linguistic, and historical evidence. Below is a list of locations named using terms from the Araucanian/Mapuche language under the "Mapuche" column, with approximate translations into English and Aonikenk provided in the corresponding columns. It is proposed that Araucanian toponyms be replaced with their equivalents in either Spanish or Aonikenk.

As part of the cultural battle against false indigenism, which portrays the Araucanian people as victims, it is necessary to follow the path of historical evidence to restore the cultural heritage of the peoples who genuinely inhabited Patagonia.

Places with Araucanian Toponymy and Their Translation, Where Feasible, into the Aonikenk Language

Number	Mapuche	English	Aonikenk
1	Aconcagua	Mountain that watches
2	Aluminé	Shine at the bottom
3	Angaco	People of the heights	Chantel Al
4	Anguil	Fox	Patnk
5	Añelo	Place where one hears	Yaich Aike
6	Aruncohue	Mud place	Tako Aike
7	Atreucó	Water of thunder	Karut Katenke
8	Banderaló	Place with flags	Bandera Käiken
9	Bariloche	People behind the mountain
10	Buta Ranquil	Large corral	Chaink Uorkenk
11	Caleufú	Green river	Jestateltenk Katenke
12	Calfucurá	Blue stone	Jeshteltenk Yaten
13	Carhué	Green place	Jestateltenk Aike
14	Carilafquén	Green lake	Jestateltenk Tamle
15	Carirriñe	Place with stones	Yaten Aike
16	Carrenleufú	River of the corral	Uorkenk Katenke
17	Chachín	Thick trunk	Chaink Majen
18	Chapalcó	Muddy water	Katenke Tako
19	Chascomús	Salty lagoon	Jechen Tamle
20	Chimehuin	Meeting place	Komuaen Aike
21	Chimpay	Place of sacrifice	Jamenke Aike
22	Chivilcoy	Place of carob trees	Akel Aike
23	Choele Choel	Race with yellow flower	Guijarro
24	Chos Malal	Yellow corral	Uaitenk Uorkenk
25	Claromecó	Three waters	Kaash Katenke
26	Colan Conhué	Place of passage	Kei Aike
27	Colhué Huapi	Red island	Kápenken Sekten
28	Collón Curá	River of stones	Yaten Katenke
29	Comahue	Place of crystal-clear waters	Jechen Katenke
30	Comicó	Place of hidden water	Kioosh Jechen
31	Copahue	Water of sulphur	Joche Tamle
32	Cuchillo-Có	Water of knives	Páijen Tamle
33	Cura Malal	Stone corral	Yaten Uorkenk
34	Curí Leuvú	River of stone	Yaten Katenke
35	Curruhué	Place of stones	Yaten Aike
36	Currumahuida	Hill of stones	Yaten Yeut
37	Domuyo	That which shakes and rumbles	Nauneuen
38	El Nihuil	The one that shines	Keóken
39	Epecuén	Almost burned	Uair
40	Epulafquen	Two lakes	Tamle Jauke
41	Epulef	Two rivers	Katenke Jauke
42	Epuyén	Place of the whirlpool	Uarrekenk Aike
43	Filo Hua Hum	Where the ridge touches the river	Katenke Filo
44	Futalaufquen	Large lake	Chaink Tamle
45	Futaleufú	Large river	Chaink Katenke
46	Ganzú Lauquen	Large lagoon	Chaink Koi
47	Guaminí	Place of the thrush	Kiken Aike
48	Guatraché	Place of the trail	Choiols Aike
49	Huanguelén	Yellow watering place	Uaitenk Koi
50	Huechulafquen	Long lake	Keikel Tamle
51	Hui Hui	Place of entrance	Aiken Aike
52	Huiliches	People of the south	Aonikenk
53	Huinca Renancó	Watering place of the huinca	Kade Koi
54	Huinganco	Place of bones	Ko Aike
55	Kilka	Drawing or writing	Ajnun
56	Leubucó	Watering place of the river	Katenke Koi
57	Lihué Calel	Mountain range of life	Asher Yeuternk
58	Limay	Crystal-clear river	Kuol Katenke
59	Limay Mahuida	Hill of the crystal-clear river	Yeut Kuol Katenke
60	Lin Calel	Three hills	Kaash Yeuternk
61	Litrán	Watering place of white stone	Orrenk Yaten Koi
62	Llao Llao	Bitter herb	Jechen Ueicurru
63	Loncopué	Toad’s head	Ualuelen Teuko
64	Los Coihues	The coihue trees	Kápenken
65	Los Menucos	The stony places	Yaten Aiken
66	Loventuel	Place of irons	Taam Aike
67	Macachín	Place of carob trees	Akel Aike
68	Machónico	Place of yellow water	Uaitenk Tamle Aike
69	Mainqué	Cliff-dwelling parrot	Keke / Chetjarre
70	Maipo	Water of the earth	Jerum Tamle
71	Malargüe	Place of corrals	Uorkenk Aike
72	Meliquina	Four mountains	Kaaje Yeuternk
73	Moquehue	Place of still water	Tamle Aike
74	Nahuel Huapi	Island of the tiger	Jaluel Sekten
75	Nahuel Mapá	Land of the tiger	Jaluel Jerum
76	Nahuel Pan	Stone tiger	Jaluel Yaten
77	Nahuel Rucá	House of the tiger	Jaluel Ku
78	Nahueve	River of the tiger	Jaluel Katenke
79	Naicó	Watering place of fire	Iaik Koi
80	Napaleofú	River of marshes	Koluel Katenke
81	Neuquén	Bold watering place
82	Nonthué	Place where waters meet	Tamle Komuaen Aike
83	Ñacuñán	Place of carob trees	Algarrobo Aike
84	Ñorquín	Thrush	Segdep
85	Ñorquinco	Watering place of the thrush	Segdep Aike
86	Paimún	Place of the whirlpool	Uarrekenk Aike
87	Palantelén	Place of the pass	Kei Aike
88	Pehuen-Có	Watering place of araucarias	Peenkal Tamle
89	Pichi Huinca	Little huinca	Kade Telenke
90	Pichi Leufú	Small river	Telenke Katenke
91	Pichi Mahuida	Small hill	Telenke Yeut
92	Picún Leufú	River of the north	Penkenk Telenke
93	Picunches	People of the north	Penkenk Al
94	Pigüé	Place of sowing	Kaichelo Aike (wheat field)
95	Pilcaniyeu	Place of yellow reeds	Uaitenk Chank Aike
96	Pilhué	Place of water of arrows	Shotel Koi Aike
97	Pillahuincó	Watering place of the arrows	Shotel Koi
98	Pilo Lil	Brook of branches	Kake Kon
99	Piltriquitrón	Hill hanging from the clouds	Kochkoch Kauen Yeut
100	Polcahué	Place of red mud	Kápenken Tako Aiken
101	Prahuaniyeu	Place of fire cane field	Iaik Chank Aike
102	Puan	Lagoon of turbid water	Epolenk Koi
103	Puelén	Place of the east	Penkoken Aike
104	Puelmapu	Land of the east	Penkoken Geute
105	Puelo	Water of the east	Penkoken Tamle
106	Pulmari	Grey lake	Temeltenk Tamle
107	Quehué	Place of reeds	Korpen Aike
108	Quemquemtreu	People of the ravines	Konkashken Al
109	Queñi	Hidden watering place	Eica Koi
110	Quequén	Place of cliffs	Jono kuinekon Aike
111	Quetrequén	Place of tremors
112	Quili Malal	Corral of three points	Kash Orrka Uorkenk
113	Quillén	Place of dreams	Kotenkesh Aike
114	Quiñihual	Place of three hills	Kaash Yeuternk Aike
115	Rancul	Reedbed	Telshen Aike
116	Realicó	Place of caldenes (tree species)	Calden Aike
117	Renca	Wild cane	Gankenk Chank
118	Ruca Choroy	House of parrots	Keke Uake
119	Salliqueló	Place of yellow clay	Uaitenk Ko Aike
120	Somuncurá	Stone that speaks	Aish Yaten
121	Tandil	Rock that beats	Sheg Yaten
122	Tapalqué	Divided watering place	Gluen Koi
123	Telén	Place of mud	Tako Aike
124	Traful	Union of waters	Katenke Komuaen

Wikipedia
Pueblos originarios

Malvinas: The Argentine Marines' Reconnaissance Mission at San Carlos Landing

An Unnecesary Recce

Revised version, 8/2/11



On May 26, 1982, an Amphibious Commando patrol arrived in the San Carlos area, departing from Puerto Argentino on the 24th of the same month. Their approach took them through terrain predominantly controlled by the enemy, resulting in significant casualties. Nevertheless, they valiantly accomplished their mission. In this anecdote, I aim to underscore a particular episode from this patrol's actions, highlighting the exceptional professionalism and sacrifice exhibited by these brave Marines.

Amid the Malvinas Conflict, the British executed a large-scale landing on May 21 in the vicinity of the San Carlos settlement on Soledad Island. After securing the beachhead, they launched a dual-pronged advance. One branch moved eastward with the objective of retaking Puerto Argentino, our primary base, while the other moved southward in the direction of Darwin.

In Puerto Argentino, located 75 km east of San Carlos, the knowledge regarding the British landing was minimal. This included uncertainty about whether it represented their principal effort or if additional operations were in progress. The Argentine leadership grappled with significant challenges in obtaining information about the enemy's movements. Multiple factors contributed to this complexity, including limited daylight hours – just 8 hours and 30 minutes at the end of May – coupled with extensive cloud cover and morning fog. Furthermore, the British held almost complete control over the airspace. Added to these issues was the severe constraint on land mobility, as vehicles couldn't be employed, and foot travel was restricted to a mere 1 km/h during daylight hours and a slower 0.5 km/h at night. In stark contrast, enemy patrols enjoyed unrestricted movement supported by their dominance in the air and at sea.

Nevertheless, despite these adversities, the military command in Puerto Argentino made the decision to dispatch three land patrols to San Carlos with the mission of "clarifying operational activity in the area."

One of these patrols was composed of Navy Amphibious Commando Non-Commissioned Officers stationed in Puerto Argentino.

In a reconnaissance mission, a faction known as the "Pereyra" was established under the leadership of Lieutenant Commander Dante Camiletti, alongside First Corporal IM Pablo Alvarado and Second Corporals IM Omar A. López and Pedro C. Verón.

Amphibious Commando Jesús Pereyra

Guided by Marine Lieutenant Commander Dante Juan Manuel Camiletti, who volunteered to lead the patrol despite not being an Amphibious Commando, the "Pereyra" Patrol was established. This decision arose because the rest of the Amphibious Commandos were in Rio Gallegos (Santa Cruz), preparing for a possible Malvinas incursion as part of "Operation Vulture."

On May 24, the patrol boarded two Argentine Army helicopters and were transported to Chata Hill, approximately 50 km west of Puerto Argentino. This strategic move aimed to minimize the patrol's overland journey, considering the proximity of the enemy.

Upon reaching Chata Hill, they set up a Reduced Patrol Base (BPR) and concealed a portion of their equipment and supplies to reduce their load. This base served as a rendezvous point after the completion of their mission. They retained only essential items such as sleeping bags, a substantial quantity of ammunition, and easily transportable supplies, including chocolates, cigarettes, cookies, candy, broth, and alcohol pills.

They waited for nightfall to initiate their movements. On the night of May 24 to 25, under a light drizzle, they embarked on their journey towards Bombilla Hill, a prominent elevation that provided a vantage point overlooking the eastern end of the San Carlos estuary and Montevideo Hill, their ultimate destination.

From the vicinity of Bombilla Hill, they observed intense enemy activity already present on Montevideo Hill. It was apparent that the height was occupied, with the sounds of machinery audible and enemy helicopters engaged in cargo transport and patrol missions. Therefore, they decided against establishing a Patrol Base and Observatory on Montevideo Hill and instead chose to head towards Cerro Tercer Corral, a significant height located further southwest, from which they believed the mission could be effectively carried out.

Already in these first movements, the need to maintain the marching discipline typical of the Amphibious Commandos was noted and that the speed that Captain Camiletti wanted to impose, which threatened some of the unnecessary friction between the boss and his subordinates, threatened this procedure. when they understand and put into practice different doctrines.

The most senior Commando Non-Command Officer (Basualdo) demands adherence to procedures given the evident proximity of the enemy "who was everywhere" according to one of the Commando Corporals.

On their march to Tercer Corral they were overflown several times by 2 Harriers.

During the fording of a branch of the San Carlos River, they lost part of their equipment and lightened the rest, while at the same time they were completely soaked. They continued their brand practically with what they had.

On Wednesday, May 26, Cerro Tercer Corral was reached and a BPR was established. The Observation Post was located with a good view of Cerro Montevideo and Puerto San Carlos. Until now, it had not been possible to establish radio communications with Puerto Argentino.

Captain Camiletti moved forward to complete the table of information they were obtaining. Enthusiastic, he possibly exposed himself a little more than necessary, a fact that led to strong changes of opinion with the more senior Commandos.

Based on the analysis of the general situation (to which is added the situation previously explained) it was decided to divide the Patrol.

A part ("Basualdo Fraction", made up of the Marine Infantry Non-Commissioned Officers Miguel Ángel Basualdo and Ramón López and the Marine Corps Chiefs Juan Héctor Márquez, Osvaldo César Ozán, Juan Carrasco and Pedro Baccili) would return to Puerto Argentino with the important information collected and the rest with Captain Camiletti ("Pereyra Fraction": Chief Nurse Corporal Jesús A. Pereyra, First Corporal of the Marine Infantry Pablo Alvarado and the Second Corporals of the Marine Infantry Omar A. López and Pedro C. Verón) , will remain in the area trying to further expand the picture of the enemy.

The return of the Basualdo Patrol was marked by a series of significant events. During one of their movements, Chief Corporal Juan Carrasco was captured in Teal Inlet. Basualdo had to carefully navigate around the British columns heading in the same direction. This situation forced the patrol to virtually trail behind the British units while successfully avoiding direct contact with the enemy, despite the British's awareness of the presence of our commandos in their area following Carrasco's capture.

Their paramount concern was to reestablish contact with their own lines, which remained unaware of this patrol's existence. Fortunately, they encountered Argentine Army commandos who were operating ahead of their frontlines. Sergeant Cisneros served as the crucial connection that allowed them to re-enter their own defensive lines without incident, and this occurred on Sunday, May 30.

Subsequently, things proceeded relatively smoothly, and they could relay their invaluable collected information to the higher command. Tragically, Sergeant Cisneros later fell into an enemy ambush.

The remaining commandos who stayed in Tercer Corral under the leadership of Captain Camileti began their march on May 26 toward Montes Verdes, which was approximately 300 meters to the west, bringing them closer to the San Carlos settlement. The following day, they ascended the height at dawn and established a Reduced Patrol Base (BPR).

Using night scopes, they observed the enemy positioned on the topographic ridge of that same height. The decision was made to leave the patrol in that location while Captain Camiletti and Chief Corporal Pereyra advanced to gain a better vantage point to monitor the enemy's movements. Corporal Pereyra pointed out the danger to Camiletti if they were discovered, and following this, Captain Camiletti ordered Pereyra to rejoin the rest of the patrol. He then tried to advance further in the early morning light.

The remaining members of the patrol, along with Corporal Pereyra, clearly witnessed the enemy's actions on the heights and soon heard gunfire. They correctly assumed that Captain Camiletti had been detected and promptly initiated their return as previously agreed upon with the Captain.



Moment of capture of Cap. Camiletti (IMARA)

As they marched back, they noticed that the enemy forces were positioned in a chain, cautiously advancing and remaining highly alert.

Within our patrol, three commandos concealed themselves in a waterlogged well. They huddled together with freezing water up to their waists, using some tufts of grass that they had fortunately managed to place over themselves for cover. Pereyra, Alvarado, López, and Verón were the four fighters who remained hidden in the watery wells. The first three positioned themselves in a row, squatting low inside a flooded well with water up to their waists and concealed beneath tufts of grass they had arranged over their heads. Corporal Verón, having no opportunity to enter the well, lay on his back with his rifle resting on his chest in a shallow, 20-centimeter-deep depression within a stream. He, too, was hidden beneath grass and branches. The enemy forces virtually passed right over them without discovering their presence.

As darkness fell and they had spent several hours in these concealed positions, their bodies had gone numb from the frigid water. Suddenly, a rifle shot rang out from the right, followed by a volley of gunfire directed towards the valley where our men were hidden. Fortunately, the enemy's rounds sailed over the heads of the Amphibious Commandos. Were they conducting a suppressive fire operation? This was followed by around 30 minutes of eerie silence, broken by the constant movement of helicopters in the area.

For the Amphibious Commandos, nightfall presented the most favorable opportunity to disengage from their concealed positions.

Only with the darkness of the night and after spending many hours in the icy water were they able to get out of the position, first crawling because their legs were numb from the cold, then crawling to regain movement, then finally crouching to continue the escape. They also marched among British troops heading to Puerto Argentino.

The following is a personal conversation I had with Jesús Pereyra, a resident of Pehuen Có, a beach located 80km from Bahía Blanca. Pereyra had been in the Malvinas since Operation Rosario, and he and his fellow soldiers were seasoned personnel. In contrast, Camiletti was a recently commissioned officer who lacked any practical field experience. However, due to his officer status, he was assigned to lead the forward observation mission.

Pereyra recounted that the mission seemed purposeless from the outset. Its objective was to confirm the British landing, even though the BBC had already reported it and had subsequently aired live images. Owen Grippa had, in fact, flown over the area in an MBB326 and attacked HMS Argonaut, thus confirming the British presence. Nevertheless, naval commanders approved the mission. Upon learning of this, Pereyra realized it was essentially a suicide mission. As a result, he refrained from seeking volunteers and instead enlisted all the group members. No one wanted to be individually responsible for leading someone to certain death; they preferred to face the risk together.

Camiletti was inadequately prepared, even carrying his provisions in a conspicuous fluorescent orange Antarctic backpack. Shortly after the mission began, Pereyra and his comrades informed Camiletti that they would "interpret" his orders due to his lack of combat experience, as they were unwilling to unquestioningly follow commands they deemed ill-suited. The patrol covertly reached the San Carlos beaches and verified the British presence, subsequently sending a report to Puerto Argentino. Despite this confirmation, Camiletti insisted on approaching the British forces more closely. This is why he was captured alone, while the non-commissioned officers were not. The image of Camiletti, hooded with a jacket and a Sterling submachine gun aimed at his head, became widely known around the world.



Capture of Cap. Camiletti (IMARA)

Captain Camiletti's account, as conveyed to this author, contradicts the assertion that he volunteered for the mission. Instead, he states that he assumed command of the patrol for nearly two months. During this time, he arranged their lodgings, secured a vehicle for their transportation, and motivated the team to overcome their reluctance, as some were hesitant about embarking on daily missions. His objective was to engage in daily exploratory excursions along the coastline, search for potential infiltrators in areas near the sea, and prepare nighttime ambushes in locations conducive to English patrol landings. Concerning his capture and the rationale behind his solo advancement towards the English positions, he explained, "The members who returned did so due to exhaustion and their unwillingness to continue the advance. Those who remained behind were only those with relatively better physical condition, and I had to insist that they stay" (personal communication, 03/24/11).



Following the capture of the Argentine officer and the heightened state of alert among English troops, a remarkable incident occurred: British forces passed within inches of the Argentine soldiers without detecting them. Their concealment was a crevice in the earth from which a shallow, 40 cm-deep spring emerged. The three of them remained there from 8 AM one day until 2 AM the following day, enduring the wet conditions of the Malvinas' climate.

On that very day, they embarked on a journey toward Two Sisters Hill, which served as the re-entry point into the Argentine-controlled territory. Progress was painstakingly slow as they were closely trailed by patrols from the SAS and RM.

Upon reaching Two Sisters Hill, Pereyra had a premonition that "something was amiss." Despite an eerie calm and a lack of troop movements in the elevated terrain, they proceeded. When they were just a few meters away, British forces, who had recaptured the hill the day before, opened fire. A bullet struck Pereyra's backpack, penetrating through and lodging in his back. Pereyra was taken captive, while Camiletti, upon his return to the mainland, was discharged and subsequently faded from the public eye.

Their journey took them halfway on Monday, May 31, when, in the southeastern vicinity of Monte Estancia, they fell into an ambush. Pereyra and López sustained severe injuries, while Alvarado and Verón remained unscathed but were captured. Thus began a new chapter, one that revolved around their lives as prisoners. This phase was particularly challenging, as they endured harsh treatment owing to their classification as special forces.

Subsequently, he was embarked in the HMS Canberra to get back to the continent and resumed active duty. The Navy, however, never requested that he share his combat experiences with the new generations of amphibious commandos. There was always a sense of shame associated with recounting them. This led to a profound depression, prompting his participation in the 1984 voyage of the Frigate Libertad, where he was the sole war veteran on board. In each North American and European port visited by the frigate, he was honored by fellow naval peers. In Annapolis, for instance, both marines and naval officers extended invitations for him to share his experiences over a drink. Similar receptions occurred in France, Spain, and Italy, with foreign naval officers eager to hear his accounts, even when their own national colleagues did not share the same enthusiasm.

He wasn't the sole one grappling with the aftermath. His fellow patrol members sank into severe depressions. Verón, hailing from Misiones, requested leave but, in a simultaneous twist, was arrested due to disruptive behavior. Pereyra, using his own funds, traveled to Posadas to secure Verón's release. When he found him in jail, Verón was clad in just a T-shirt, swim trunks, and flip-flops. Pereyra settled his fine, secured his freedom, and helped him regain his footing. Through his own marriage, Pereyra bore the costs of the traumas inflicted by the Malvinas War.

Presently, Pereyra is on leave and imparts nautical safety lessons. He resides in Pehuen Co, a quaint beach town located 80km from Bahía Blanca. I had the privilege of crossing paths with him two years ago when, unbeknownst to me, I rented his house. He goes by the moniker "El Brujo" Pereyra, as he's renowned for his knack for solving any problem that comes his way. He's an exceptionally modest and amiable individual, one of those people you can instantly identify by the way he talks. From time to time, he still reunites with Robacio, another unassuming hero of our nation, who served as the commander of BIM 5 in Tumbledown. Together, they ponder the purpose of that ill-fated patrol, a question to which nobody seems to hold the answer.

Source

La Nación, 14 Aug 1999
Clarín, 17 Aug 1999
Personal chat with Jesús Pereyra, February, 2007
Forum member APCA of foro Batallas