Italian Legions in Argentina

The Italian Legions in the Argentine Republic

José Luis Alonso y Juan Manuel Peña.
Published in the Revista Superior de Guerra, Number 553, Apr-Jun 2004

The prolonged struggles faced by the Argentine nation during the 19th century gave rise to significant human actions that have largely faded into obscurity or are briefly mentioned in history books.

On February 5, 1856, 352 Italian soldiers under the command of Colonel Silvino Olivien arrived by sea at the present-day city of Bahía Blanca, in southern Buenos Aires Province. At the time, the city was a modest settlement surrounding the old Fort Argentino, facing the vast pampas and the constant threat of Indigenous attacks. The enthusiastic welcome from the sparse local population prompted Colonel Olivien to issue a printed proclamation, urging the people of Bahía Blanca to see the legionnaires as “brothers who wished to help them continue the great task of settling that rich and expansive southern region of Buenos Aires Province.”

Origins of the Italian Legion

Who were these foreigners? Where did they come from? And who was Silvino Olivien?

The prolonged siege of Montevideo (1843–1851) had attracted numerous Italians with liberal and Masonic ideals. These individuals—defeated in Italy’s Wars of Independence and the Roman Republic—were inspired by Alexandre Dumas’ book The New Troy, which portrayed Montevideo’s siege as another fight against tyranny for freedom. Many were Ligurian, Piedmontese, and Savoyard exiles who, under Giuseppe Garibaldi’s command, extended their struggle for liberty to the shores of the Río de la Plata, forming a Legion.

Their shared experiences, dangers faced, and shared ideals forged strong bonds between these European exiles and their Uruguayan and Argentine comrades. These ties were further solidified by the close friendship between Garibaldi and Bartolomé Mitre, then an Argentine military leader and later the President of Argentina. After the siege ended, many Italians moved to Buenos Aires, where Mitre became not only their best ally but also their “brother in cause and principles,” a title he gave to both Mazzinians (followers of Giuseppe Mazzini) and Garibaldinians.

Formation of the Italian Legion in Buenos Aires

On December 9, 1852, Buenos Aires faced a siege by forces loyal to General Hilario Lagos, who had rebelled against the state government. A decree authorized foreign residents to take up arms “exclusively to maintain public order.” Numerous volunteers formed the German, Spanish, and Swiss legions. Among these, the Italian Legion stood out not only for its size but also for its refusal to limit itself to police functions, insisting on active participation in the trenches defending the city.

The force was organized by two Italian officers: Colonel Silvino Olivien, born in Bruscios in 1820 and trained at the Naples Military Academy (La Nunziatella), and Major Eduardo Clerici, a Milanese graduate of the Milan Military Academy and former lieutenant in the Austrian Army. Both men had fought in Italy’s revolutionary struggles and were exiled following their defeats.

Together, they assembled approximately 300 Italian residents of Buenos Aires into a battalion named the Italian Legion. This force fought valiantly alongside the defenders of Buenos Aires, earning praise for their military skills. Their first casualty was Lieutenant Erba, who fell on January 9, 1853, and was honored with burial in the city’s cathedral.

Distinctions and Honors

The Italian Legion distinguished itself in battles at Plaza Lorea and the English Cemetery (near present-day Pasco and Pichincha streets). Their bravery earned them recognition from General Manuel Hornos, commander of the Argentine forces. On April 21, 1853, the Buenos Aires government presented the Legion with a blue-and-white flag featuring the city’s coat of arms embroidered in silver and gold. The flag bore a blue silk ribbon inscribed in gold: "Con questa bandiera vinceremo" - Buenos Aires, 16 aprile 1853. The flag, gifted by “porteñas” (women of Buenos Aires), remains preserved in the National Historical Museum.

Further recognition came on May 30, 1853, when a government decree officially renamed the force the Valiant Legion. Its members were granted the use of honor cords, a prestigious distinction for both officers and soldiers.

Disbandment and Legacy

In July 1853, following the conclusion of the conflict, the Italian Legion was disbanded at the request of Colonel Olivien, who returned the Legion’s flag to the government before departing for Italy. There, Olivien participated in new revolutionary activities, was captured, and sentenced to death. Buenos Aires authorities intervened successfully to secure his commutation, and he returned to Buenos Aires on October 31, 1855, exiled for life from the Papal States.

Colonization Plans and New Frontiers

Olivien’s forced return coincided with government plans to secure internal frontiers against Indigenous attacks in southern Buenos Aires Province. The plan involved creating militarized colonies, where settlers would be granted land in exchange for defending and developing present and future settlements. Thus, the legacy of the Italian Legion extended beyond their valor on the battlefield to contributions in shaping Argentina’s southern frontier.

Bahía Blanca, founded in 1828 and whose characteristics have already been pointed out, was the site chosen to test the project.

Italian Legionnaire

The Agricultural-Military Legion and the Founding of Nueva Roma

On November 18, 1855, a decree established an agricultural-military colony of 600 men under the jurisdiction of the Buenos Aires state army ordinances. Initially settled in Bahía Blanca, the colony could be relocated to other points in the southern frontier as needed. Colonel Silvino Olivien, due to his military background and engineering expertise, was appointed commander, with Major Clerici serving as his second-in-command. Among the recruits were 150 former members of the Italian Legion, alongside their previous officers.

One notable member was Juan Bautista Cúneo, a former soldier and journalist, who founded the first Italian-language newspaper in Argentina, named after the military force: La Legión Agrícola Militar. Thirteen issues of this publication were printed.

Uniform and Symbolism

The Agricultural-Military Legion adopted uniforms modeled after the French Zouaves from the Crimean War, featuring a kepi similar to those of the Buenos Aires army but in red, a nod to the Garibaldinian roots of its members. As a continuation of the Valiant Legion, the governor of Buenos Aires, Dr. Pastor Obligado, and the Minister of War and Navy, Bartolomé Mitre, ceremonially returned the Legion’s original flag to the new Italian formation on January 11, 1856.

Arrival and Organization

On February 5, 1856, the Legion arrived in Bahía Blanca with approximately 300 men. While not all had military experience, they were selected for their knowledge of agricultural practices. Captain Felipe Cavanti, who had been exiled from the Papal States, remained in Buenos Aires to organize the rest of the force.

Between February and July 1856, after enduring a yellow fever outbreak, the Legion began exploring the surrounding territory and divided itself into three branches:

1. Infantry: Comprising six companies.
2. Artillery: Commanded by Captain Juan Penna, a Milanese born in 1830 with extensive experience in the Italian Wars of 1848–1849. Penna would go on to have a distinguished military career in Argentina.
3. Cavalry: Led by Captain Mariano Barilan, a revolutionary from Rimini and former officer of the Royal Guard, who had also been exiled.

The Founding of Nueva Roma

On July 1, 1856, the Legion laid the foundations for the colony of Nueva Roma, located 25 kilometers west of Bahía Blanca along the Sauce Chico River. This colony was established to fulfill the dual objectives of the Agricultural-Military Legion: to populate and defend the region.

Notable Events

Two significant events marked the development of Nueva Roma. First, Major Clerici, who had established cordial relations with the influential Indigenous chief Calfucurá, was forced to step down due to illness and passed away in October 1856. His efforts in diplomacy with the local Indigenous communities left a lasting legacy.

The Agricultural-Military Legion exemplified a unique blend of military prowess and agricultural ambition, contributing to the expansion and defense of Argentina’s southern frontier.

The Years of the Agricultural-Military Legion

On September 28, 1856, Colonel Silvino Olivien was assassinated by mutinous members of his own force, angered by the severe punishments they were subjected to. The perpetrators deserted, and their crime remained unpunished. The arrival of Captain Felipe Caronti months later restored order and ensured the continuation of the Legion’s mission.

The government appointed Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Susini as the new commander of the Agricultural-Military Legion. Susini, a Milanese sailor and veteran who had sailed and fought alongside Giuseppe Garibaldi during campaigns on Argentine rivers, was one of the founders of the Italian Legion during the siege of Montevideo.

In 1853, Susini arrived in Bahía Blanca accompanied by Major Juan Bautista Charlone, a valiant officer who would later distinguish himself in the Paraguayan War, and Captains Sagani, Zonza, and Valerga, along with forty soldiers. All these men were veterans of the Italian and Valiant Legions.

Reorganization and Military Campaigns

Susini undertook a comprehensive reorganization of the force, renaming it the Military Legion. He discharged less capable members and restored the unit’s renowned reputation. Under Susini’s leadership, the Legion distinguished itself in campaigns against Indigenous forces, including actions at Salinas Grandes and the Battle of Pigüé in February 1859, where they faced Chief Calfucurá’s forces. General Wenceslao Paunero, commander of the Bahía Blanca Division, praised their valor.

In May 1859, the Legion defended Bahía Blanca against an attack by 2,500 Indigenous warriors, defeating them, recovering stolen goods, and freeing numerous captives. For his leadership, Susini was promoted to the rank of colonel by the Buenos Aires government in July 1859.

Contributions Beyond the Battlefield

The Legion’s impact extended beyond military accomplishments. Captain Felipe Caronti spearheaded significant development projects in the Bahía Blanca region, including the construction of the first port pier, two schools, and the first church. He also manufactured ammunition, repaired weapons, drafted topographic maps, and conducted meteorological studies. Caronti, unable to complete his engineering studies in Italy due to political exile, realized his aspirations in the country that adopted him.

Final Campaigns and Legacy

After four years of campaigns against southern Indigenous tribes, the Buenos Aires government ordered the Military Legion to return and participate in the conflict against General Urquiza’s army during a renewed civil war between Buenos Aires and the rest of the country.

The Legion fought valiantly at the Battle of Pavón, further cementing its legendary reputation. Colonel Juan Bautista Charlone, renowned for his courage and leadership, was promoted and awarded an honorary sword for his service.

Recognition from Garibaldi

The Military Legion’s exploits reached Giuseppe Garibaldi, who, from his home in Caprera, sent a letter to his former comrades on November 15, 1861. In it, he expressed his admiration and pride in their contributions to Argentina, ensuring that their heroic deeds remained part of both Argentine and Italian history. The enduring legacy of the Legion reflected the ideals of liberty and resilience shared by its members. It stated:

"Alía Legione Italiana de Buenos Aires Abete combattuto valerosamente per la libertá della Reppublicá Argentina, che é un popolo caro, honesto e generoso".

"Vi invio una parola de omaggio, cl 'affette di gratitudine, in nome della Italia intera e del vostro vecchio compagno d¨armi G. Garibaldi".

The Final Chapter of the Military Legion and Its Legacy

An emotional ceremony took place on February 4, 1864, in the city of Rosario, Santa Fe Province, where the Military Legion was stationed. During the event, the legionnaires received a new Argentine flag to replace their original one, which was nearly destroyed after so many campaigns and battles.

In early 1865, the Legion returned to Buenos Aires to complete its ranks with Argentine officers and troops. In April of that year, it was merged into the 8th Line Infantry Regiment, which then marched to the Paraguayan War, initiated on May 25, 1865. On that date, Paraguayan forces under Marshal Francisco Solano López, already at war with the Empire of Brazil, launched a surprise invasion of Argentine territory, triggering the War of the Triple Alliance. In this conflict, the armies of Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina fought against Paraguay in what became the bloodiest war in South American history.

Massive numbers of men were sacrificed against Paraguayan fortresses, defended with extraordinary bravery amidst dense jungles. Both sides demonstrated courage bordering on madness. The Paraguayan government, desperate after prolonged battles, even formed battalions of children and women, continuing the struggle until the annihilation of the last 1,000 soldiers of Solano López’s army, with López himself perishing alongside them.

The Legion in the Paraguayan War

The men of the Military Legion proved their valor throughout the war, distinguishing themselves in all the battles they fought. They participated in the defense of the city of Corrientes and fought in the battles of Yatay, Uruguayana, and the infamous massacre at Curupaytí. In this brutal engagement, Colonel Juan Bautista Charlone fell while leading an infantry charge in a futile attempt to breach Paraguayan trenches, reminiscent of the trench warfare horrors that would shock the world during World War I.

After Charlone’s death, command of the Italian forces passed to Colonel Baldomero Sotelo, an Argentine officer. Under his leadership, the Legion fought at Lomas Valentinas and Paso Hondo, where on October 21, 1869, they captured an eight-cannon battery in a bayonet assault.

Following these actions, the Legion became part of the Occupation Army, stationed in Asunción, the Paraguayan capital, until January 1871. Throughout the War of the Triple Alliance, the Legion wore its distinctive uniform, though it became increasingly adapted to the campaign’s necessities and shortages. After the war, the remnants of the once-glorious Legion returned to Corrientes, where they were incorporated into the 1st Battalion of the 8th Infantry Regiment.

Other Italian Forces

The Military Legion was not the only Italian-origin force serving with the Argentine Army. Two additional Italian formations were established:

1st Volunteer Legion or Volunteers of Liberty

This unit was organized by Commander José Giribone, born in Genoa in 1823 and exiled for political reasons. Giribone arrived in Montevideo in 1843 and fought alongside Giuseppe Garibaldi and Francisco Anzani during the siege of the Uruguayan capital. Known for his musical talent and exemplary bravery, Giribone composed a military march, La Marcha del Tala, which he bequeathed to the Argentine Army as a legacy of his sacrifice and dedication, notably displayed in the Battle of El Tala.

A Lasting Legacy

The Military Legion, alongside other Italian volunteer forces, embodied the ideals of courage, sacrifice, and dedication. Their contributions to the Argentine military during some of the nation’s most challenging conflicts remain a testament to the enduring bond between Italy and Argentina, rooted in shared struggles for freedom and justice.

Cnel. Antonio Sussini

On August 10, 1861, he was appointed commander of a force to be organized under the name Volunteers of Liberty. This unit was tasked with protecting the city of Rosario, Argentina, but after only a few months, it was disbanded to form a new unit called the Foreign Legion. This new force included volunteers of various nationalities, though Italians remained the majority.

The Foreign Legion committed to serve under a three-year contract and was sent to reinforce the Third Line Infantry Regiment, which defended the town of Azul in southern Buenos Aires Province from Indigenous attacks. Its name was later changed to the First Volunteer Legion, and under this designation, it fought in the War of the Triple Alliance as part of the allied Army of Operations.

On February 17, 1868, Commander Gribone fell in battle, succumbing to 18 wounds, “all from the front,” as recorded in the military report of the time, during an engagement against superior forces. With his death, the second heroic Italian figure in this war was lost.

Second Volunteer Legion: The aforementioned Colonel Antonio Susini, who had reorganized the Agricultural-Military Legion, had previously delegated its command to Lieutenant Colonel Charlone when Susini was appointed Commander of the Buenos Aires State Government’s Naval Squadron in 1857. However, unable to remain detached from the ongoing conflict in Paraguay, Susini returned to active service on land. He organized another unit, named the Second Volunteer Legion, with which he marched as part of the Army of Operations, participating in the entire campaign.

Juan Bautista Charlone

From the very beginning, Antonio Susini was appointed to command a brigade that included his Legion and ultimately rose to the prestigious position of Commander of the 1st Corps of the Argentine Army.

At the conclusion of the war against Paraguay, remnants of the Italian forces participated in some actions during subsequent Argentine civil wars before being discharged after their extensive campaigns.

There would no longer be Italian Legions in the Argentine Army, but many of their members, both soldiers and officers, requested and were incorporated into the national army. They went on to hold high and important positions, contributing to the final struggles against Indigenous forces and the definitive organization of an army to which they had always belonged—by the right earned through their spilled blood.

Bibliography:

* Álbum de la Guerra del Paraguay. Imprenta Jacobo Peuser, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1893-1894.

* De Marco, Miguel Angel - La Guerra del Paraguay. Editorial Planeta, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1995

* Granienigo, Gaio Italiano entre Rosas y Mitre. Ediciones. Sediliba, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1987.

* Comando en Jefe del Ejército - Reseña histórica y orgánica del Ejército Argentino. Ediciones-Círculo Militar, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1972.

* Best Félix - Historia de las Guerras Argentinas. Torno II. Editorial Peuser, Buenos Aires, Argentina 1960

* Caronti, C. Luis -. Legiones Italianas. Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1907.

* Ferracutti, Enrique - Las expediciones militares en los orígenes de Bahía Blanca. Ediciones Círculo Militar, Buenos Aires, Argentina 1962

* Walther, Juan Carlos, La conquista del Desierto Ediciones Círculo Militar, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1964.

Malvinas: The Return

The Return

Morning of the 23rd of June — but not this year — rather, of 1982. The setting is Bahía Blanca Sud station.
That Wednesday, train 325 was due to arrive from Plaza Constitución. This service ran via Pringles, and the scheduled time of arrival was 9:04 a.m.

The station looked the same as always. The arrival of the train that day seemed like just another service, one of the regular trains that came into the station as usual.

Everything appeared normal up to that point — except for one small detail. At the rear of train 325 that day, a second-class coach had been coupled. Its 103 seats were reserved for a kind of passenger not often seen in those days. In that coach were the Malvinas War Veterans. That carriage was allocated exclusively to the soldiers who, by that time, were officially recognised as war veterans.

They were boarded onto that last coach, without the possibility of moving through the train, as the door connecting it to the rest of the formation had been locked. A small ham and cheese roll and a half-litre bottle of mineral water was the “ration” provided for the journey.

There was no welcoming committee. The city, with its typical scepticism, was unaware that the returning soldiers were arriving. Hardly anyone came to greet them. Just a few family members who had somehow found out — at that time, few homes had landlines, and of course, social media or WhatsApp didn’t exist.

There was no band to greet them upon arrival — our country is so obsessed with success that, for example, if the national football team loses a World Cup final, no one turns up to welcome them home. The same thing happened with the veterans. Not even their own families had fully realised they were coming back.

The train arrived on time. A long line of passenger coaches left the last one nearly aligned with the “Bahía Blanca” sign just south of the station, near the black bridge. A few fathers, who had learned of their sons’ return, approached the station almost timidly. They had spent over 70 days filled with uncertainty and anxiety. Worried faces searched through the train, hoping to find their sons and hold them tightly at last.

Inside the second-class coach, emotions ran high. The joy of returning was genuine, yet mixed with the pain for those who had not made it back. And to that was added the bitter fact that the war had been lost — this was by no means a joyful train. Tired faces, emaciated bodies showed signs of malnutrition, revealing the hunger they had endured during the conflict — despite efforts to convince the public that our soldiers had suffered neither hunger nor cold.

During their days at Campo de Mayo, the army had tried to feed the soldiers as much as possible so they would arrive “reasonably presentable.”

Behind them were long, sleepless nights. Naval, air, and finally ground bombardments had left them no rest. They had slept in makeshift tents or, when alerts demanded, in damp, cold foxholes. The thinness of their bodies reflected just how scarce the food had been.

They had bathed only once throughout the war, and only again when they boarded the ships back to the mainland. Left behind were those nights spent shivering — from the cold and, why not, from fear — with wet feet and the constant question of where the British would come from.

Behind them remained the sounds of war — sounds only known by those who had to live through them. The whistles of bombs, the wailing of sirens, the thunder of cannons, low-flying jets at terrifying speed, shouted orders during battle, and the gut-wrenching cries of the wounded… All of it was endured by young bodies, most of whom had not yet turned twenty.

"I stood on the carriage steps because I saw my dad and got ready to hug him. He was on the platform, looking past me, trying to find me. He didn’t recognise me — that’s how skinny I was." — Guillermo.
“We felt ashamed because we had lost the war, and that weighed heavily on us. We came back defeated.”

There were heartfelt embraces, tears, a few smiles, and a flood of emotion. Orders soon arrived to board the trucks bound for command headquarters. The veterans were taken in lorries to the Fifth Army Corps.

For them, a new reality was beginning. Almost without realising, they were entering something immensely complex: the return, the process of reintegration into working life. For our Veterans, a new life was starting. Bahía Blanca Sud station stood witness to that moment.

Without doubt — once again — THANK YOU FOR SO MUCH, AND SORRY FOR SO LITTLE.

1955 Revolution: Aftermath

The people of Bahía Blanca take to the streets to celebrate the triumph of the Revolution.

Aftermath



Joy and happiness in the crowd after Perón resignation

Thus concluded the first Argentine armed conflict of the 20th century, which, in just seven days of fighting, claimed the lives of nearly a thousand people. The casualties included civilians and soldiers—men, women, children, and the elderly. The majority of the deaths occurred on June 16 during the bombing of Buenos Aires, when 229 victims were identified in hospitals, clinics, and public aid facilities. However, the true death toll was far higher, as Dr. Francisco Barbagallo notes in Daniel Cichero's Bombs Over Buenos Aires. The chaos was so overwhelming that tracking the countless bodies transported by ambulances and trucks became impossible.

To grasp the scale of the attack, it is worth noting that 14,000 kilograms (14 tons) of explosives were dropped that day—half the amount used in the bombing of Guernica—yet the death toll was nearly equivalent to that of the Spanish city.

On that day, 43 rebel aircraft carried out the assault: twenty North American AT-6s, five Beechcraft AT-11s, three Catalinas, one Fiat G-55A Centauro reconnaissance aircraft dispatched to Rosario to contact General Bengoa, and ten rebel Gloster Meteors. Additionally, four aircraft initially refused to counter the attack but later joined the rebellion. Including loyalist aircraft, the total number of planes involved exceeded fifty.


Celebrations in Bahía Blanca

On June 16, 1955, the Air Force and Naval Aviation took their first baptisms of fire; the first two shoot-downs in the national aeronautical history occurred when the AT-6s of midshipmen Arnaldo Román and Eduardo Bisso were hit by the enemy, the first by shrapnel from the Gloster Meteor of Lieutenant Ernesto Adradas over the Río de la Plata and the second by anti-aircraft guns from the 3rd Regiment of La Tablada in the town of Tristán Suárez, Buenos Aires, not counting the Gloster that, due to lack of fuel, crashed into the waters of the Plata, between Carmelo and Colonia. That day also saw the first shoot-down carried out by a jet on the American continent (that of midshipman Romás by Lieutenant Adradas) and the entry into action of the tanks when a Sherman of the Motorized Regiment “Buenos Aires” fired on the Ministry of the Navy.


Victorious leaders. From left to right: CN Arturo Rial, Dr. Clemente Villada Achaval, General Julio A. Lagos, General Eduardo Lonardi, General Dalmiro Videla Balaguer and Commodore Julio César Krausse

Buenos Aires became the first (and so far, only) capital in South America to endure a large-scale aerial bombardment, joining the ranks of only a few cities worldwide to have suffered such an attack. It shares this tragic distinction with Gibara in Cuba, bombed by President Machado's air force in 1931, and Puerto Casado in Paraguay, targeted by the Bolivian Air Force in 1933. However, both of these events pale in comparison to the scale of the bombardment in Buenos Aires.

During the attacks, numerous locations in the city were hit, with the main targets including the Government House, Plaza de Mayo, the National Mortgage Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the Army Ministry (Libertador Building), Hotel Mayo, the Central Police Department, the CGT headquarters, the Ministry of Public Works, the Patagonia Import and Export Company, various buildings along Av. Paseo Colón, the service station of the Argentine Automobile Club, and the presidential residence at Unzué Palace.

Additionally, La Tablada suffered heavy damage as the 3rd Infantry Regiment was strafed and bombed on Av. Crovara and Av. San Martín while marching toward the city center. The Ministry of the Navy was also struck during an attack by Army units, and the Banco Nación was hit as revolutionary civilian commandos took refuge on its rooftop.

On September 16, Argentina witnessed its first air-naval battle when the Peronist Air Force engaged the Ríos Squadron. Mar del Plata was also bombed, initially by a lone naval aircraft and later by Navy ships targeting large coastal oil deposits, the Submarine Base, Army positions on a nearby golf course, and the Camet Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment.

Three days later, the submarine Santiago del Estero entered combat for the first time, using its 40 mm Bofors cannon to fire on unidentified aircraft near Montevideo. The towns of Saavedra and Río Colorado also fell victim to aerial bombardments during this period.


The Plaza de Mayo is packed, cheering on the Revolution that overthrew the tyrannical president

In that revolution, the greatness and miseries of war were fully exposed: acts of heroism and resolve, reckless actions, brutal deeds, weaknesses, and betrayals.

On June 16, it became evident that a significant portion of the population was willing to fight for Perón to the death. That day, thousands of workers took to the streets to arm themselves and fight for their leader. Dozens died in combat, most during the attack on the Ministry of the Navy. Similarly, on September 21, an unidentified number of fervent members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista perished during revolutionary troops' assault on their headquarters.

There were soldiers who fulfilled their mission according to the training they had received, such as the much-criticized Lieutenant Adradas, who simply did his duty, or Vice-Commodore Síster, steadfast in his determination to defend the Peronist regime. Others failed to rise to the occasion. Some military figures upheld their honor, like Admiral Benjamín Gargiulo, who, like ancient Roman generals, chose to take his own life rather than face disgrace. There were officers willing to die rather than surrender, including General Lonardi, Colonel Arturo Ossorio Arana, Captains Perren and Rial, Commodore Krausse, Majors Montiel Forzano and Juan Francisco Guevara, Colonel Arias Duval, Captain Ramón Eduardo Molina, and the somewhat reckless Dalmiro Videla Balaguer, all on the rebel side. Others fell in combat, such as Brigadier General Tomás Vergara Ruzo and numerous aviators, soldiers, and sailors who fought valiantly on both sides.

On the loyalist side, the resolve and professionalism of generals like Franklin Lucero, Miguel Ángel Iñíguez, and José María Sosa Molina, Lieutenant Colonel César Camilo Arrechea, Captain Hugo Crexell, and many others stood out, honoring their respective branches of service. The Argentine honor also shone aboard the destroyers La Rioja and Cervantes, and in the steadfastness of the personnel in Bahía Blanca and Punta Alta, who held firm in their posts against powerful advancing forces.

However, there were also ambiguous and wavering actions, such as those of Admiral Olivieri, Generals Bengoa, Lagos, and even Aramburu. Lieutenant Colonel Barto displayed indecision and despair during the regiments’ advance toward southern Buenos Aires. Similarly, First Lieutenant Rogelio Balado, one of the regime’s iconic pilots, switched sides and, during combat, refused to fire on an enemy Avro Lincoln that had just strafed loyalist positions at the Pajas Blancas airfield. Captain Bernardo Benesch did the same when ordered to attack targets in Mar del Plata on June 19. (Before setting sail, he had offered dissenting officers and sailors the opportunity to leave the ship and return to shore, though he himself did not follow through.) Captain Edgardo Andrew also hesitated, asking Captain Rial to revoke the order to bomb the 5th Infantry Regiment in Bahía Blanca, which was refusing to surrender.

During the second phase of the revolution, over 70 combat and patrol sorties were conducted, and the main regiments and military units from Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Mendoza, San Luis, and Patagonia were mobilized.

Rear Admiral Toranzo Calderón upon arriving at the Municipality of Bahia Blanca

On September 21, 1955, as the final acts of the conflict concluded, an atmosphere of anticipation lingered across the country. While government emissaries and representatives of the rebel forces engaged in negotiations, combat units in Córdoba began their gradual return to base.

That same day, news of the revolutionary forces’ victory spread, prompting the people of Córdoba to flood the streets in celebration of the regime’s fall. Crowds gathered at Plaza San Martín, in front of the ruined Cabildo building, adorned with three Argentine flags, cheering for the leading figures of the rebellion. Thousands of men and women entered the adjacent Cathedral to give thanks to the Lord and the Holy Mother for the end of the conflict. Meanwhile, a jubilant procession of cars, motorcycles, trucks, buses, and pedestrians filled the streets, chanting in support of the revolution, its leaders, and the nation’s heroes.

Two days earlier, Bahía Blanca had erupted in similar enthusiasm. Residents filled the streets, cheering, singing, and waving flags while wearing sky-blue and white ribbons and rosettes. Portraits of San Martín, Belgrano, and Our Lord Jesus Christ were prominently displayed. Outside the CGT building, crowds sang the National Anthem, symbolizing the defiance of the fallen regime, and applauded Admirals Toranzo Calderón and Olivieri as they arrived at Bahía Blanca’s municipal headquarters after their release from detention in La Pampa. In front of the burned-out offices of the Democracia newspaper and the Bernardino Rivadavia Public Library, the crowd shouted, “Death to Perón!” and “Long live the Fatherland and Liberty!”

Toranzo Calderon in the Municipality of Bahia Blanca

On September 21, back in their respective units and after a refreshing hot bath, cadets and conscripts from the Military Aviation and Airborne Troops schools in Córdoba were informed that the next day they were going to participate in the parades that had been held to commemorate the victory.
On the 22nd, very early in the morning, the soldiers formed up in the courtyards of both schools to head into the city to parade with the Army troops and civilian commandos who had taken part in the battle. The Cadet's Diary is graphic in recounting the events.

"The unit remains in the same condition as always... All the officers gathered with General Lonardi at the Cadet Casino, which is why we couldn’t contact F... to request a replacement. When we finally managed to, he told us there was only one tent left with a cadet and 16 soldiers. We worked like mad to take down the tents and move them to the Squadron. Once we finished everything, we went to the unit, and there, among the three group leaders, the 'exciting' draw took place to decide who would stay... If it had been me, I would have had to muster a great deal of willpower to remain, but luck was on my side; of course, it fell to the 'Turk.' Poor guy, he won’t be any better off than I am."

Rear Admiral Samuel Toranzo Calderon arrives in Bahia Blanca

Thus, the troops boarded military trucks and buses and headed toward the provincial capital where, upon reaching Av. Vélez Sarsfield, they dismounted to begin the parade. They did so after a long wait, in front of the population who cheered them and threw flowers at them while a shower of papers fell from nearby buildings to the cry of “Freedom! Freedom!” which could be heard everywhere.
After the parade, the troops returned to the barracks to continue their activities during peacetime, unaware that the following day would claim the life of another comrade.
During a patrol and observation flight, the Calquin I.Ae-24 of the 2nd Attack Group, piloted by Second Lieutenant Edgardo Tercillo Panizza, crashed on the outskirts of the city due to mechanical problems.


Officers welcome their boss after his release

Once they had heard of this, cadets and officers headed towards the site, first crossing the Aeronautical District, with the intention of seeing the remains of the aircraft that was still smoking on the field. Once there, they came across the remains, observing them in silence while meditating on the events that had taken place in the previous days and the course that history would take from that moment on.
Mar del Plata also joined in the celebrations with long human columns parading through its streets to the City Hall, to sing the National Anthem and wave flags.
On September 23, the fronts of the city woke up decorated with the colors blue and white; around 10:00 there was a new march to the government palace where rosettes, ribbons and flowers were distributed as in the days of May and the celebrations continued in different places until late at night.
Argentina was beginning a new path; An era had ended and another had begun, but the disagreement between brothers was not going to end there. The country would never find its way again and society would continue to crumble to unsuspected limits.

Notes

[1] Gargiulo was the creator of IMARA (Argentine Marines), infusing the spirit of the US Marines into their training and enlistment..

Photos: Miguel Ángel Cavallo, Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. la Marina se subleva

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón

The 1905 Radical Revolution

1905 Radical Revolution

On February 4, 1905, the civil-military revolution organized by the Radical Civic Union and led by Hipólito Yrigoyen took place, which attempted to overthrow the constitutional government of Manuel Quintana, demanding free and democratic elections. It was one of the most important rebellions that Argentina suffered up to that time, due to the number of soldiers involved, the forces linked and the extension of the movement throughout the country.



Towards the end of 1893, the Radical Civic Union was facing its first internal dispute and was divided into two groups: the red radicals who supported Leandro Alem's leadership of the party, and the lyrical radicals who supported Hipólito Yrigoyen's interpretation of the seizure of power and his leadership in radicalism.



The Reds were in favor of revolution as a method to change the prevailing system while the Lyrics were considered "evolutionists" and did not trust in carrying out a coup d'état as a method for the changes they considered necessary..




Alem was supported within the party by leaders such as Bernardo de Irigoyen, Francisco Barroetaveña, Leopoldo Melo, Mariano Demaría, Lisandro de la Torre, Vicente Gallo, Simón S. Pérez, Joaquín Castellanos, Adolfo Saldías, José Nicolás Matienzo, Martín Torino, Mariano Candioti , Adolfo Mugica, Víctor M. Molina, among others. Yrigoyen is supported by some young people such as Marcelo T. de Alvear and the majority of radical leaders in the province of Buenos Aires, whose provincial committee was led by Yrigoyen himself.





In 1896, Aristóbulo Del Valle died and Leandro Alem, plunged into a deep depression affected by successive political defeats, a failed love relationship and the deep internal division of radicalism, committed suicide. At that time the two radical groups tried to unify again in the face of the death of the two top leaders of the party. But the union did not last long and in 1897 the separation occurred again.




The former Reds, now led by Bernardo de Irigoyen and called radical coalitionists or Bernardists, after Alem's suicide, try to reach an agreement with General Bartolomé Miter and the National Civic Union to confront the Roquismo in the presidential and Buenos Aires elections of 1898. The agreement included the formation of a mixed formula for the presidency of the Nation, headed by the radical Bernardo de Irigoyen, and the same, but headed by the engineer Emilio Mitre, leader of the UCN, for the governorship of the province of Buenos Aires.




This agreement was known as the "parallel policy" and laid the seed for a future reunification of the Civic Union, as confirmed in 1890 before the division that occurred the following year between radicals and mitristas, but Yrigoyen and his allies (now known as intransigents or hypolists) refused to accept it and did everything possible to boycott it from their stronghold of the radical committee of the province of Buenos Aires.



In the end the agreement between radicals and Mitristas fell definitively due to Yrigoyen's action of dissolving the Committee of the Radical Civic Union of the province of Buenos Aires, which ended any possibility that the radicalism of the province would accept a Mitrista candidate for the governorship of the province. The fall of the parallel politics paved the way for the second presidency of General Julio Argentino Roca.



Even so, in the province of Buenos Aires, the national autonomists of Pellegrini, the radical coalitionists and the intransigents of Hipólito Yrigoyen managed to negotiate in the Electoral College and managed to establish Bernardo de Irigoyen, leader of the radical coalitionists, as governor of the province together with the intransigent radical Alfredo Demarchi as vice-governor, to snatch the province from the National Civic Union, who had won in the popular vote.




A lo largo de los siguientes años el radicalismo ingresaría en un tumultuoso periodo en el que todas las estructuras partidarias colapsaron y la interna entre coalicionistas e intransigentes nunca se saldo. Durante la gobernación de Bernardo de Irigoyen, los hipolistas fueron sus principales opositores, por lo tanto el gobierno provincial sobrevivió gracias al apoyo de los pellegrinistas y del gobierno nacional de Roca.



By the year 1900, the Bernardista sector of radicalism, which grouped together some of the men who had been closest to Alem, joined the Autonomist Party of the province of Buenos Aires, led by Carlos Pellegrini. The fusion between the Autonomist Party and the Bernardist sector of radicalism eventually resulted in the formation of the United Parties, which brought Marcelino Ugarte to the governorship of Buenos Aires in 1902, with the former radical Adolfo Saldías as its vice-governor.




Towards the first years of the 20th century, the Radical Civic Union had officially ceased to exist. But the survival of radicalism as a political force until the present day was largely the work of Hipólito Yrigoyen and the political circle that accompanied him since the internal party of 1893. At the beginning of 1903, Yrigoyen began to reorganize the Unión Cívica Radical (Radical Civic Union), inviting a political event for July 26 of that year, on the thirteenth anniversary of the Revolución del Parque (Park Revolution).



The event received a great response from the public and was attended by approximately 50,000 people. Yrigoyen was also successful in attracting important figures who had been part of the ranks of radicalism and who at that time were part of other political parties, such as the case of Pedro C. Molina from Córdoba, who was part of the Republican Party, led by Emilio Mitre.




In October 1903, the so-called "Convention of Notables" met in Buenos Aires, made up of more than 300 political leaders from all over the country, whose objective was to elect the presidential candidate who was to replace Julio Argentino Roca in office in 1904.



The Convention of Notables took place in the midst of the strong dispute between Roca and Carlos Pellegrini, which had been taking place since the breakdown of relations between the two in 1901 after a disagreement over a project to unify the external debt, which divided the Autonomist Party. National in two sectors: rockers and pellegrinistas.




Before the convention, Pellegrini was emerging as the main candidate for the presidency of the Nation but during its development, Roca managed to block Pellegrini's candidacy. For this reason, Pellegrini publicly accused Roca of destroying the National Autonomist Party. The rupture between the two, which was hinted at during Roca's second presidency, ended up materializing and Pellegrini founded the Autonomist Party. For this reason, Pellegrini and his supporters abandoned the convention, as did the political core led by Bernardo de Irigoyen.


Due to the break with Pellegrini and part of the interior leadership, Roca had to make an agreement with Marcelino Ugarte, governor of Buenos Aires, who imposed the name of Manuel Quintana as a presidential candidate to try to position himself as his successor. The winner of the Convention of Notables was Marcelino Ugarte who was able to impose Manuel Quintana, who was a man "stranger to the parties" and who had been a political rival of Roca in 1893/1894 when he served as strong man of the Luis Sáenz government Peña, as president and accepted José Figueroa Alcorta from Córdoba, a name promoted by the interior leaders associated with the ruling party, as vice president.




In February 1904, Yrigoyen organized a party convention, the first since the 1897 convention that debated parallel politics. However, almost no former Alemnista or Bernardista returned to the party ranks and the radicalism that was reorganized was made up almost exclusively of those men who were part of the old Buenos Aires radical group of Yrigoyen.

The reconstruction of the UCR carried out by Yrigoyen showed a series of distinctive features. To reunite the party, the Buenos Aires leader resorted to the sacred symbols of radicalism: the figure of Alem, the revolution of July 1890, the party conventions and the revolution. Yrigoyen knew how to use party symbols to give his organization an image of continuity with the original group..





Obviously it was not mentioned that during the 1890s Yrigoyen's political sector had behaved as an organization independent of the party branch, that its leader had maintained a tense relationship with Alem, that Yrigoyen's participation in the Parque revolution of 1890 had had been a minor, who was suspected of having refused to cooperate in the armed uprisings planned by Alem after 1893, and of having defied the authority of the last party convention in 1897.

While other sectors of the old radicalism had dispersed and merged into different political parties, Yrigoyen presented himself as the legitimate heir of the Radical Civic Union, loyal to its founding objectives and strategies. The new radical organization demonstrated against the omnipotence of the PAN, against its economic policy, against corruption, and against the absence of guarantees for clean elections.




The UCR partly resumed its old language and style, although it did so in a context markedly different from the previous one and with some of its own particularities. In the first decade of the 20th century, the PAN was in complete decline and completely divided, the economy returned to its high growth rates and new political parties, such as the Socialist and the Republican, experienced the direct benefits of electoral competition.




On February 29, 1904, the newly reorganized National Committee of the Radical Civic Union declared the party's electoral abstention in the presidential and legislative elections of 1904. But while they declared their electoral abstention for the 1904 elections, its leaders conspired. Hipólito Yrigoyen had toured the country convincing and engaging hundreds of radical militants and young Army officers, and had even formed a revolutionary junta that he led, supported by José Camilo Crotto, Delfor del Valle and Ramón Gómez.



The initial objective was for this revolutionary movement to break out on September 10, 1904, during the government of Julio Roca. But the revolution had to be postponed. The government was suspicious and had taken some preventive measures. Yrigoyen, the only one who knew the entire revolutionary plot, decided to wait for the right moment.




On October 12, 1904, Roca completed his presidential term and handed over the presidency to his successor, Manuel Quintana. For his part, Yrigoyen explained to his coreligionists that it was not a revolution against a person but against "the Regime", so it mattered little if it started earlier or later.



Finally, in the early morning of February 4, 1905, the civil-military revolutionary movement, which had been preparing since the beginning of 1904 by the leaders of the Radical Civic Union and allies within the Army, began in the Federal Capital, Bahía Blanca. , Mendoza, Córdoba, Rosario and Santa Fé.



In the Federal Capital, the key element of the plot was the seizure of the Arsenal, from where weapons would be distributed to groups of radical militants. However, an infidelity allowed the government to learn of the revolutionary plan. General Carlos Smith, chief of the General Staff, in collaboration with Colonel Rosendo Fraga, chief of police of the Federal Capital, anticipated and became strong in the Arsenal, preventing the uprising of the neighboring 1st and 10th infantry regiments. In this way he prevented groups of civilian revolutionaries from being provided with weapons. Without those weapons the plan was destined to fail. Although in the previous days the radical leader had warned of the possibility of failure, it was already too late to give the counter-order. However, what happened at the Arsenal was not enough to stop hundreds of radical militants who, throughout the early hours of the morning, attacked numerous police stations in the city.



The government of President Manuel Quintana, who knew of the revolutionary plans, reacted with quick measures: he declared a state of siege throughout the country for the next ninety days, and established press censorship. The police, loyal to the national government, raided dozens of buildings in search of revolutionaries. Only some troops from the 9th Infantry Regiment marched towards Buenos Aires from Campo de Mayo, but shortly afterward they dispersed. Loyal troops and police soon recovered the police stations taken by surprise and the revolutionary cantons. At noon on February 4, the revolution in the Federal Capital had been completely defeated.




But the same was not happening in other parts of the country. The uprising had been successful in Mendoza, Córdoba and Bahía Blanca, where civilians had had the support of several military regiments. In Mendoza, the entire military garrison joined the uprising along with a mountain artillery regiment from San Juan. These troops provided weapons to civilians who identified themselves with their white berets. The revolutionaries attacked the capital of Mendoza, took 300,000 pesos from Banco Nación and attacked the barracks defended by Lieutenant Basilio Pertiné. The Mendoza government and some soldiers tried to resist in the Government House but laid down their arms. José Néstor Lencinas, head of the Revolutionary Junta, formed a provisional government after overthrowing the constitutional governor Carlos Galigniana Segura.




In Córdoba, the military troops under the command of Colonel Daniel Fernández were mobilized from the early hours of dawn and began to move after a speech by Colonel Fernández, in which he said: “Soldiers: we are going to carry out a transcendental crusade! For the Argentina that is close to dying, which is the reverse of Caseros and Pavón”!





The rebel military troops took over the Police Headquarters, took over the capital city and clashed with troops loyal to Governor Olmos, led by Colonel Gregorio Vélez. The hostilities lasted until noon and left several dead on both sides. Once the combats were over, they overthrew the government of José Vicente Olmos to impose a provisional government under the command of Colonel Daniel Fernández, accompanied by Abraham Molina and Aníbal Pérez del Viso as ministers. The proclamation spread in Córdoba sets the tone of the radical revolutionaries: "... the day has come when the opprobrious regime that has dominated the country for 30 years, covering it with ignominy before friends and strangers, ends."



In Córdoba, the radical revolutionaries took hostage Governor Olmos, Vice President José Figueroa Alcorta, who by chance was in Córdoba, Deputy Julio Roca, son of General Julio Argentino Roca, Francisco J. Beazley, who was returning from acting as intervener in San Luis, to Felipe Yofre, former Minister of the Interior during Roca's presidency, to Baron Antonio Demarchi, son-in-law of former President Roca, among other officials and political leaders of the opposition.



The radicals also headed towards the La Paz ranch, owned by Julio Argentino Roca, to try to arrest the former president, but Roca, who had been warned that the revolutionaries were heading towards his ranch, managed to escape from being taken prisoner and headed to the neighboring province of Santiago del Estero.



In Rosario the radical military troops marched from San Lorenzo towards Rosario, where civilian groups had taken over the Argentine Central Railway station. In Rosario, intense fighting also took place in the Arroyito area. However, once the failure of the revolution in Buenos Aires was known, the rebellious troops returned to their barracks, and abandoned the civilians to their fate.



The rebellious troops in Bahía Blanca and other cities in the interior had no perspective, nor did they find an echo in the town. President Manuel Quintana employed the same tactic used in 1893 to quell the radical movement; The state of siege became martial law. Despite the initial successes in Córdoba and Mendoza, the national government kept the situation under control and sent troops from different parts of the country to reduce the revolutionary centers.



The revolutionary attempt had not prospered in the other provinces, and the Córdoba radicals would be left alone in the fight. In search of a way out of the difficult situation, the revolutionary minister Aníbal Pérez del Viso took Vice President Figueroa Alcorta to the telegraph offices, where he made him establish communication with President Manuel Quintana. Once this was done, Pérez del Viso took the place of Figueroa Alcorta and began to propose different solutions, which obviously protected the insurgents. The revolutionaries even asked President Quintana for his resignation in exchange for the life of Vice President Figueroa Alcorta, however the president did not give in and the threat was not carried out.



As the powerful columns led by Generals Lorenzo Winter and Ignacio Fotheringham approached, the revolutionaries in Córdoba and Mendoza began to disperse. Finally the Radical Revolutionary Junta decided to lay down their arms to avoid more bloodshed. On February 8, there were no revolutionary centers left in the entire Republic. Immediately, the government of President Manuel Quintana arrested and ordered the rebels to be prosecuted, who were sentenced to up to 8 years in prison and sent to the Ushuaia prison. Many others went into exile in Chile or Uruguay. In the case of the military, those who joined the uprising lost their careers.



The repression was carried out against the radical revolutionaries and simultaneously against the labor movement, the socialists and their organizations, their press, etc., although they had had no connection with the February 4 movement. Hundreds of union members were arrested, the socialist and anarchist press was banned, the offices of the newspapers La Vanguardia and La Protesta, among others, were raided, and union offices were closed.



After the events of February, Quintana addressed Congress and said in this regard: "When I received the government, I knew of the conspiracy that was being hatched in the Army and that is why I directed that incitement to remain a stranger to the agitations of politics by invoking "at the same time the example of their ancestors and the glory of their weapons. A part of the junior officers did not want to listen to me and preferred to embark on an adventure that does not excuse inexperience in the face of the inflexible duties of the soldier."




After the defeat of the revolution, Yrigoyen went underground since he was wanted by the national authorities and for months there was no news about his whereabouts. Finally, on May 19, he appeared before Justice to assume his responsibility as the maximum head of the Revolutionary Junta.



The revolution was defeated, but it would unleash a current of institutional change within the ruling party that could no longer be stopped. The National Autonomist Party had divided, and both Carlos Pellegrini and Roque Sáenz Peña, main leaders of the new Autonomist Party, founded in 1903, understood the need to make profound institutional changes if the growing social and political conflict was to be contained.




Although at the moment the hostilities against the national government were still high and on August 11, 1905 there was an attack against Quintana, while he was heading in his carriage to the Government House, a man shot the president several times without being able to do anything. fire. The car continued moving, and the custody agents detained the aggressor, who turned out to be a Catalan worker named Salvador Planas y Virella, an anarchist sympathizer, who acted on his own initiative.



In March 1906, President Manuel Quintana died and was replaced in office by José Figueroa Alcorta, who until then was the vice president of the Nation and was politically inclined towards Pellegrinism. In June 1906, Figueroa Alcorta and Pellegrini promoted a Law of Oblivion, to offer a general amnesty to all radical participants in the revolution of the previous year, exiled in Uruguay and Chile or who were in hiding or prisoners.



In the years that followed, radicalism grew in support among sectors of the incipient middle class of the Federal Capital and the interior, especially among those young professionals, children of immigrants. The social composition of the radical leadership also changed with respect to that of the 1890s. The majority of its leaders seemed to come mainly from families who had arrived in the country recently and who had had little or no participation in politics. In comparison to that after the Park Revolution, where its leaders came from traditional families of the country.



The political system was also changing in those years, when a sector of the ruling class decided to open up and transform the rules of the political game. The reformists led by President Figueroa Alcorta believed in the need to promote an electoral reform that would establish a truly representative government. And the electoral reform finally arrived, in 1912, at the hands of Roque Sáenz Peña. Four years later, on October 12, 1916, the leader of the 1905 revolution, Hipólito Yrigoyen, took office as president of the Nation.