1955 Revolution: The Final Clashes

The Final Clashes
1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón





Buenos Aires, early morning of September 21, 1955: Army tanks destroy the headquarters of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance

By the evening of September 20, 1955, it was evident that the Peronist regime was on the verge of collapse. However, concerns remained about potential retaliation, not so much from the Armed Forces but from loyalist unions and party militias. Anticipating such a response, the Ministry of the Navy was heavily fortified around 8:00 PM due to rumors of an imminent attack by Peronist militias. Rebel forces prepared for a potential evacuation via naval routes, deploying the Ushuaia transport, the Mandubí tug, and a towed infantry landing craft.

Rebel forces consolidated their positions, arming troops with light weapons, machine guns, and grenades to repel any attack. Troops took defensive positions near the Naval Workshop and the Hotel of Immigrants, awaiting orders to board, while maintaining a heightened state of alert.

Meanwhile, the Nationalist Liberation Alliance, a steadfast Peronist stronghold, was mobilizing for combat. Despite the political chaos, the Alliance, led by Guillermo Patricio Kelly, demonstrated unwavering loyalty. Their headquarters was converted into a makeshift fortress, with the ground floor serving as a field hospital and the upper floors used to destroy compromising documents. Kelly, having secured weapons directly from Perón’s aides, was resolute in fulfilling the battle cry: “La vida por Perón” (Life for Perón).

Rumors of unions distributing arms to workers prompted the Military Junta to summon union leader Hugo Di Pietro for clarification. Di Pietro denied the allegations and invited inspections to confirm the union’s neutrality. In response, the Junta issued appeals to union, party, and religious leaders to prevent violence and restore order.

Simultaneously, military leaders moved decisively. General Raúl Tassi took control of the Ministry of Communications, ensuring the resumption of national telecommunications and confiscating weapons allegedly intended for distribution among workers.

As the day ended, reports reached Tassi that the Nationalist Alliance had rejected ceasefire terms and was preparing for battle. General Audelino Bergallo, in command of Buenos Aires, issued an unambiguous order: “Destroy them with cannon fire!” Preparations began for a full assault on the Alliance’s headquarters.

A military detachment, led by Captain Guillermo Genta and Cadet Heriberto Justo Auel, equipped a truck with machine guns and advanced towards the Alliance’s stronghold. Amid torrential rain and deserted streets, they arrived at the location, supported by tanks poised to fire. Meanwhile, Kelly, heavily armed, left the building to negotiate directly with military officials at the Ministry of the Army.

Despite calls for surrender to avoid bloodshed, the defiant Alliance remained entrenched, ready to fight to the bitter end for Perón. These tense moments underscored the depth of division within Argentina as the regime crumbled.

In the early hours of September 21, 1955, tensions reached their breaking point in Buenos Aires. Guillermo Patricio Kelly, the fiery leader of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance, stormed out into the rain-soaked streets of Reconquista, ignoring the tanks and cavalry company positioned for an imminent attack. Consumed by fury after being told by Major Renner that Perón was leaving to avoid bloodshed, Kelly fumed: “What do I tell my men when they see their leader escape?” His defiance was evident, but fate had other plans.

As Kelly marched back toward the Alliance headquarters, he was stopped in his tracks by armed soldiers who ordered him to surrender. Disarmed and detained, Kelly was sent to police custody. Meanwhile, the situation at the Alliance’s stronghold deteriorated rapidly.

At precisely 1:14 AM, the 600 militants inside the building—who had vowed to die for Perón—opened fire on Army forces from windows and rooftops. The Army responded with machine-gun fire and tear gas, but the militants held their ground, displaying extraordinary fanaticism and resolve. The Army escalated the assault, with tanks unleashing a barrage of shells that shook the concrete structure and echoed through the city.

By 2:00 AM, the building was engulfed in flames. A devastating tank shell struck the munitions depot inside, triggering explosions that further destabilized the structure. The surviving militants evacuated, dragging their wounded comrades as the battle raged on. By 2:30 AM, the Alliance headquarters lay in ruins, its collapse symbolizing the fall of a regime marked by violence and repression.

Amid the chaos, two fire brigades arrived to prevent the flames from spreading to nearby buildings, while curious onlookers were kept at bay by law enforcement. The fiery destruction cast a sinister glow over Buenos Aires, marking the end of the Alliance’s defiant stand.

Elsewhere, confusion reigned within the naval forces loyal to the rebels. Believing a counterattack was imminent, Admiral Domingo Aramburu disbanded the Naval Operations Command, allowing his men to act independently. Most boarded the Ushuaia and Manduví, leaving others scattered throughout the city or holding their positions. In the disarray, the ships departed prematurely, abandoning some personnel and failing to secure critical equipment.

The dramatic fall of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance headquarters and the disorganized retreat of naval forces underscored the unraveling of Perón’s remaining loyalist factions. It was a night of fire, defiance, and collapse, sealing the fate of a regime that once dominated Argentina’s political landscape.

ALN Rally During Peronism’s Heyday

A Glimpse of Glory: ALN Rally During Peronism’s Heyday

In the height of Peronism’s reign, the Nationalist Liberation Alliance (ALN) hosted grandiose rallies that epitomized their unwavering loyalty to the regime. The atmosphere buzzed with fervor as flags waved and voices roared in unison, chanting praises for Perón and vows of eternal allegiance. These gatherings showcased not just political solidarity, but a deep-rooted ideological commitment that blended nationalism, populism, and militant resolve.

The ALN, renowned for its fierce rhetoric and combative stance, drew crowds with theatrical displays of patriotism, fiery speeches, and the ever-present symbolism of the Peronist movement. Leaders like Guillermo Patricio Kelly stood at the forefront, rallying supporters with impassioned calls for unity and defiance against perceived enemies of the state. It was a spectacle of both political power and popular devotion, a reflection of the strong grip Perón held over his followers during his golden era.

These moments, rich with enthusiasm and idealism, painted a stark contrast to the chaos and disintegration that would later consume the Alliance. In those days, the ALN stood tall as a pillar of Peronist militancy, confident in its cause and unwavering in its mission to defend the regime at all costs.

On September 21, clashes also broke out in Mar del Plata. That morning, the population spontaneously gathered in the city center, forming large groups of men and women who, despite the rain, marched to the Casa del Pueblo, headquarters of the Socialist Party, to listen to fiery speeches by several opposition representatives, including Roberto Crocitto and Aurelio Principi.

By midday, a naval patrol traveling in a military truck spotted five suspicious individuals walking along the street. When ordered to stop, they ran toward the building at Av. Luro 3137, barricaded themselves inside, and began firing from the third floor.

An intense shootout ensued, with additional troops patrolling the area joining the fray. The confrontation ended when the Peronist militants fled the scene.

In the afternoon, several people arrived to inspect the bullet marks on the building's third and fourth floors and verify rumors of multiple casualties. However, the new authorities provided no official information, and after a couple of hours, the crowd dispersed.

Later that night, around 10:00 PM, another shootout occurred. Groups of Peronist workers, taking cover behind freight wagons at the train station and the dense vegetation of nearby forests, attacked Navy forces guarding the radio stations in the Municipal Sports Park. The exchange of fire lasted until 5:00 AM on September 22 and ended when the unionist groups withdrew, taking several injured comrades with them.

As with the previous day, the Friends of the Local Workers' Union Movement issued a new statement reaffirming their earlier proclamation, urging workers to cooperate with the occupying forces and peacefully continue their daily occupations.

Attendance and dedication to work, despite any attempts to disrupt it, are today our greatest weapon. Ensuring that the city’s economy remains unaffected is our best contribution to maintaining normalcy. At this moment, there are no union leaders in charge, and no one can claim direct representation. However, there must be, in every workplace, a steadfast commitment to work conscientiously.

The Revolution has given true meaning to the slogan “Produce – Produce”, as production now benefits everyone—serving the normal life of the people and the goals of the Liberating Revolution [3].

The final military action of the Liberating Revolution occurred at 5:00 AM, following General Lonardi's decision to break the ceasefire in Córdoba. By that time, Lonardi had been chosen as the future president of the nation, and preparations for forming a new cabinet were underway. However, during the night, suspicious troop movements were observed both in the southern provinces and Córdoba, violating the imposed ceasefire. Perceived as a potential threat to the rebel forces, these maneuvers prompted a demonstration of force to signal the provisional junta of generals that the revolutionaries were prepared for any escalation.

As historian Ruiz Moreno explains, the rebels targeted the Las Higueras airfield in Río Cuarto. The airfield posed a strategic risk, as it could serve as a launch point for loyalist aircraft capable of striking the Aviation School and the provincial capital. Responding to the threat, Commodore Krausse contacted Base Comandante Espora to request an airstrike. The Revolutionary Air Command approved the mission, and Captain Arturo Rial dispatched two Avro Lincoln bombers piloted by Captains Ricardo Rossi and Orlando Jesús Cappellini.

In the early hours of the morning, the bomber crews loaded their aircraft with 200-kilogram bombs and ammunition, performed pre-flight checks, and taxied to the runway. At 2:15 AM, Cappellini's aircraft took off first, followed closely by Rossi's, embarking on a perilous night mission under torrential rain and poor visibility. Years later, Cappellini recalled the challenging conditions: “We took off after 2:00 AM in torrential rain. They provided us with excellent 200-kilogram bombs, which we didn’t have in Córdoba, but they lacked safety fuses.”

By 4:00 AM, the bombers reached their target. However, Cappellini's aircraft faced a critical issue: one of its turbines had detached during acceleration, compromising its stability. Communicating with the control tower at the Aviation School, he reported the malfunction. In response, Captain Hilario Maldonado instructed Cappellini to maintain a circular holding pattern over the target and delay the attack until 6:00 AM.

This marked the Revolution's final offensive—a calculated display of power in the face of lingering resistance, ensuring the success of their cause and the imminent transition of power.

September 21, 1955, 06:00: Captains Cappellini and Rossi Strike Río Cuarto Airfield (Photo: Juan Carlos Cicalesi)

At 6:00 AM, Captain Cappellini received the go-ahead to proceed with the bombing of Río Cuarto Air Base. Reviewing the coordinates on his flight chart, he noted the target was to be struck from an altitude no lower than 700 meters to avoid being hit by their own bomb shrapnel. Concerned about the risk of detection at dawn, Cappellini voiced his objections, but Commodore Krausse responded curtly and decisively: “Proceed with the order.”

Flying in circles until the designated time, the bombers waited for a break in the clouds. As dawn broke, the crossed runways of Las Higueras Airfield became visible through a gap, signaling the moment to strike. The two Avro Lincolns initiated their attack runs, releasing a total of eighteen bombs—ten from Rossi's aircraft and eight from Cappellini’s, though two bombs from the latter failed to release and remained stuck.

The mission complete, the aircraft sharply banked away from the target, enduring violent turbulence caused by the explosions below. Thankfully, none of the shrapnel struck the planes, allowing them to return safely to Base Comandante Espora. Cappellini’s aircraft, however, required a manual release of the jammed bombs, which the onboard mechanic jettisoned into the sea during the return flight. Both bombers landed safely at 8:00 AM, concluding the last aerial operation of the conflict.

The attack caused no casualties, as the airfield had been evacuated prior to the raid. However, it achieved its intended objective: intimidating loyalist forces. Shortly after the strike, General Falconnier called from Villa Reynolds, requesting the suspension of a planned bombing of the Río Cuarto rail station, where two trains carrying tanks had just arrived. He assured the rebels that no troops would be mobilized from that location, signaling the diminishing resistance to the revolution’s advance.

“"The day perfectly matches the occasion—a beautiful sun warms our chilled bodies. How wonderful is the sun's warmth after a freezing night!

Around midday, Alférez C. gathers all group leaders to remind us to keep personnel closer at hand. He, too, notices the gradual relaxation of discipline. Following his instructions, I assemble the group and address them. Fortunately, I find the right words to restore order without resorting to disciplinary measures. They’re all good men.

Finally, good news arrives! We’re informed that a military government has been formed to temporarily lead the Republic. General Lonardi has been named President, Vice Admiral Rojas is the Vice President, and our own Commodore Krausse will serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Although we cannot fully grasp the significance of this moment, the truth is that we have helped change the course of our nation's history. The fall of this regime reaffirms that our people will never accept anything that tarnishes their most cherished legacy: their freedom.

First Lieutenant F. went to confirm the news and returned with happiness written all over his face. He gathered us in a clearing, shared the situation, and congratulated us on our efforts. Within our chests, we felt something I can only describe as the manifestation of that abstract entity we call the Fatherland.

The traditional ‘Subordination and Valor’ was never answered with more emotion.

We then received orders to prepare our gear and begin retreating as soon as possible. Alférez C. shakes our hands and toasts with us to celebrate the success of the movement.

Well, it seems I’m destined to savor every last drop of this Revolution. The entire company is heading back to the school, except for the groups led by ‘Turco,’ ‘Cabezón,’ and myself, tasked with guarding the northern sector of the airstrip. I’m tired—exhausted, really—but I try to lift the spirits of the troops. If I don’t, I don’t know where they’ll find the strength to continue. We are under the orders of First Lieutenant F., who seems deeply troubled by having to stay behind. It’s understandable; he has a wife and children waiting for him.

And so here we are, waiting for the tents to arrive so we can spend the night. When they finally arrive, we set them up, and then dinner is served—a plate of polenta with sauce, which soothes not just our hunger but the gnawing ache of exhaustion.

After posting guards at a nearby crossroads, I lay down. Thankfully, someone left me a cot, which is far more comfortable than the trench. My weary bones couldn’t be happier."

This vivid recounting captures the mix of relief, pride, and fatigue experienced by the soldiers in the final days of the Liberating Revolution, as they reflect on their role in shaping the nation’s future.[6].

Another View of the Destroyed Nationalist Liberation Alliance Building (Photo: Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, The Revolution of '55', Volume II)

 


The press publishes the attack to the ALN headquarters


Guillermo Patricio Kelly, ALN CEO several years after the attack


Brig. Orlando Jesús Cappellini, several years after the revolution. Jointly to Captain Ricardo Rossi led the last combat mission.

Notes

1. Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, op. Cit, T. II, p. 362.
2. Ídem, pp. 366-366.
3. Nieto, Agustín; op. Cit.
4. Ídem, p. 344.
5. Las bombas el piloto carecían de seguros y eso le impedía aterrizar.
6. “…del Diario de un Cadete”, revista “Cielo”, Buenos Aires.

Revolución Libertadora: Doubts and Fears Seal the Dictator's Fate

Perón Hesitates



Perón, Surrounded by His Ministers, Listens to the Report from General Arnaldo Sosa Molina (Ilustración: Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, La Revolución del 55, Tomo I)

A striking aspect throughout the conflict was Perón's peculiar behavior. His reticence and silence puzzled many, as he delegated full command to General Lucero. “Both supporters and opponents were baffled by his passivity, while battles that would determine the Nation's future—and his own—raged fiercely by air, sea, and land,” remarked one historian.

The man who once led Latin America’s most transformative social revolution, challenged the United States and the Allied powers after World War II, and attempted to create a "Fourth Reich" in Argentina by bringing Axis scientists and war criminals to the country, now seemed hesitant and devoid of initiative. His fiery rhetoric of the past still resonated, chilling citizens with its violent tone: "You ask me to fight? Why don’t you start yourselves?" (May 1, 1953), "The day hanging begins, I’ll stand with those doing the hanging!" (August 2, 1946), "They’ll have to kill me fighting!" (August 13, 1946), "We’ll raise gallows across the nation to hang the opposition!" (September 11, 1947), "We’ll distribute baling wire to hang our enemies!" (August 31, 1947), and his infamous declaration, "For every one of us, five of them will fall!" Yet, now, the man who had once uttered these words with conviction appeared paralyzed.

This mysterious inaction, paired with his silence since the hostilities began, began to irritate even his closest allies. Major Carlos Aloé, Governor of Buenos Aires Province, could not understand why Perón remained in his heavily guarded residence, avoiding both military command and leveraging his powerful influence over the Armed Forces and the public.

General Raúl Tassi, head of the National Defense School, observed Perón’s behavior during a meeting at the underground bunker of the Ministry of the Army, where the Communications Center of the Repression Command was based. The meeting, convened by General Lucero, brought together senior military leaders to monitor the ongoing conflict. Perón arrived accompanied by generals and colonels, visibly distressed and, by all accounts, frightened. His demeanor worsened upon learning that the Cuyo Army had also joined the uprising. At that moment, whatever composure he had left completely absent.

At the headquarters of the 1st Army Division in Palermo, General Ernesto Fatigatti requested authorization from Perón to lead the 1st and 2nd Infantry Regiments (then in reserve) in a march on Córdoba to crush the revolution by midday on September 21. However, Perón—once renowned for his oratory skills, his ability to captivate and inflame the masses—offered no response. Instead, he nervously smoked, drank coffee, and remained silent.

Years later, Perón’s nephew and aide-de-camp, Major Ignacio Cialcetta, revealed that the dictator “did nothing.” He left all decisions to Lucero and, while not entirely defeated in spirit, seemed detached. Perón reportedly spent two nights hiding in a house in Belgrano and, according to other accounts, in the nuclear bunker he had built beneath the Alas building—a claim without concrete evidence, though rumors also suggested he used it during the June 16 bombings.

Despite having capable and loyal generals—Lucero, Fatigatti, Iñíguez, and Sosa Molina—Perón failed to act. His attitude infuriated Interior Minister Dr. Oscar Albrieu, who met with him at the Government House in the early hours of September 19. Albrieu urged Perón to take charge of the repression, arguing that the situation was deteriorating. Yet, the president remained inert. Ruiz Moreno captures their exchange in his work, highlighting Perón’s indecision at a critical juncture:

-"General, don’t lose focus. Let’s return to the Ministry of the Army. Things there are not being handled properly."

-"And what do you want me to do?" Perón replied.

-"General, I believe you should assume command of the Repression Forces and announce on the radio that you will personally take command in Córdoba. I’m certain that would put an end to all of this.".

These words displeased Perón, who responded badly.

-You don't know the generals. I think they are handling things well. Besides, I don't like the fact that they kill the little soldiers. I prefer things to stay that way.

So it was Albrieu who expressed his annoyance.

-General, we are at war! I would even be justified in saying that the non-commissioned officer who kills a rebellious officer will take his place in the ranks...! I will take any measure to defend a constitutional government!

Despite the gravity in Albrieu’s tone, Perón did not react, effectively ending the conversation on the spot.

Meanwhile, General Lucero worked tirelessly, determined to crush the uprising as swiftly as possible. On the 18th, one of his first actions was to reinforce the units engaged in repression by calling up the 1931, 1932, and 1933 conscript classes in the First and Second Military Regions under the command of Lieutenant General Emilio Forcher. This measure bolstered key units, including the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Infantry Regiments, the 2nd Artillery Regiment, the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers, and the Motorized Regiment "Buenos Aires." Together with the security companies tasked with guarding arsenals, military factories, and depots, these reinforcements brought troop numbers to 18,000, not counting an additional 1,200 volunteers.

By Monday, the 19th, Perón arrived at the Ministry of the Army before 6:00 AM, accompanied by Governor Aloé. In Lucero’s office, Generals José Domingo Molina, Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and Carlos Wirth, Chief of Staff, informed him that the situation on the front was favorable and that the rebellion’s suppression was only a matter of hours. However, the leaders of the repression failed to recognize a critical error: by not ordering a final offensive with the requisite force, they allowed the revolutionaries to regroup. Hoping to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, they opted instead to pressure the rebel forces with sheer numbers, aiming to convince them of the futility of resistance. This half-measure was a serious misstep, as the revolutionary forces were resolute and prepared to fight with unrelenting ferocity, as demonstrated by General Lonardi’s fiery speech on September 16.

Perón had every advantage. His forces surrounded Córdoba and Bahía Blanca, the Cuyo troops were wavering, and no other garrison had declared against him. The Fleet posed the only significant threat, but the Air Force and Naval Aviation were expected to neutralize it.

Given these circumstances, the Peronist high command began to feel confident, even euphoric. However, in the middle of the meeting, Perón abruptly called for silence and requested to be left alone with Lucero and Aloé.

Confused but compliant, the senior officers exited the room, waiting in the antechamber in a mix of anticipation and uncertainty. As the door closed behind them, they had no idea that the final chapter of the crisis was about to unfold.

Once alone, Perón announced that he had decided to resign.

-We already know that these barbarians will have no scruples about doing so (he was referring to bombing the cities of La Plata and Buenos Aires). It is necessary to avoid massacre and destruction. I do not wish to be a factor in such savagery being unleashed on the innocent city, and on the works that we have worked so hard to build. To feel this, it is necessary to know how to build. Parasites hardly love the work of others.

Lucero and Aloe were speechless, astonished and confused. They remained like that for a few moments until Lucero broke the silence to express that he was in solidarity with his boss and that, consequently, he would also resign. However, he immediately seemed to react and, trying to convince Perón, he expressed his opinion, proposing the creation of an operations force under the direct orders of the president based on the First Army Division, declaring at the same time Buenos Aires an open city, defended by elements of the General Maritime Prefecture, the National Gendarmerie, the Federal Police and the Armed Forces (the latter in small numbers), all of them supported by Peronist militiamen. However, his words were of no use. Under the pretext of avoiding a useless shedding of blood and the destruction of what he considered his “masterpiece”: the oil installations in La Plata, Perón repeated that he had decided to leave power. Lucero insisted again, explaining that the rebellion was practically under control and that it was only a matter of hours before both Córdoba and Bahía Blanca fell (he knew perfectly well that the Army of Cuyo did not constitute any threat). But even so, Perón maintained his position and withdrew, ordering a meeting of generals for that same afternoon.



Two hours later, the still-President of the Nation sent Lucero a handwritten note addressed to the Army and the People. In it, he announced his resignation and declared that he was leaving everything in the hands of the Army, the only entity he deemed capable of taking control of the situation and achieving the much-desired pacification of the country.

With the note in hand, Lucero summoned Vice President Rear Admiral Alberto Teissaire, Minister of the Interior Dr. Carlos Albrieu, and CGT Secretary General Héctor Di Pietro to his office. After informing them of its contents, he opened the floor for their comments. Di Pietro stated that if this was the general's will, the workers would comply, as they had always followed Perón's wishes. Expressing solidarity with his leader, Lucero immediately drafted his irrevocable resignation and then summoned General José Domingo Molina, entrusting him with organizing a Junta of Generals to take charge of governance and peace negotiations.

At 12:55 PM, Radio del Estado, broadcasting nationwide, issued a message that shocked both the revolutionary leaders and the broader population. General Lucero invited the rebel commanders to the Ministry of the Army to begin discussions aimed at pacifying the country and finding a resolution.

This announcement stunned General José María Sosa Molina, commander of repression in Córdoba, who could hardly believe what he was hearing. His astonishment was so great that he initially thought it was a tactic to confuse loyalist forces. “With victory practically in his grasp, Perón walked away,” Sosa Molina would later recall. “...With the battle nearly won, my commanders informed me they had heard the ceasefire order on the radio. I couldn’t believe it. We had everything in our hands, and now we were being told to hold our positions.” It wasn’t until he heard the resignations confirmed on the radio later in the afternoon that he accepted the situation.

A similar reaction came from the resolute General Iñíguez, who was leading his forces in a rapid advance toward central Córdoba. As his troops pressed forward, a messenger rushed to his position with an order to halt the attack and news that a junta of generals had assumed control. When Iñíguez learned that government forces were to cease all hostilities, hold their positions, and await further instructions, he was left dumbfounded.

At 2:27 PM, General Lucero's message, broadcast on Radio del Estado, was answered by Admiral Rojas aboard the La Argentina. Rojas announced that military operations would be suspended until midnight on September 19 and that the requested meeting would take place aboard his ship, anchored at the mouth of the Río de la Plata, rather than at the Ministry of the Army, as Lucero had suggested. Meanwhile, from Córdoba, Lonardi issued a statement signed as the leader of the "Revolución Libertadora," demanding the immediate resignation of the President and his entire cabinet. Distrustful of Perón, Lonardi took precautionary measures to ensure the revolution's success.

Notes

1. Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, op. cit, Cap. 9, Tomo II.
2. Ídem, p. 315, Tomo II.
3. It was the first time ever to use this designation.

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolución Libertadora y la Caída de Perón

1955 Revolution: Status Report from Cuyo

Cuyo Mobilizes

On the night of September 17, the troops of the Second Army arrived at the gates of the city of Mendoza and stopped there. General Julio Alberto Lagos was waiting for them at that point ready to receive command from his commander, General Eugenio Arandía.



Once at the head of the powerful unit, Lagos requested a report on the situation as he needed to take quick measures before setting off towards Córdoba. The picture of the situation that Arandía described to him was not what he expected because, as they explained to him, there was a lack of integration between the commanders and the news broadcast on the radio, they limited the revolution to the rebel focus of the Mediterranean province that at that time was being surrounded. by loyal troops under the command of generals Iñíguez, Morello and Moschini.
In view of this, influenced by the false news broadcast by government radio stations and letting himself be carried away by a counterproductive excess of caution, Lagos approved the resolution issued by his General Staff and retreated towards Mendoza, abandoning Lonardi's forces to his side. luck. According to the conclusion they had reached with General Arandía, if the civil war broke out (which in fact had already begun), it would be necessary to consolidate the three Cuyo provinces without risking their forces in a confrontation that would short term, it would have to annihilate them.
The Lagos troops spent the night next to the access bridge to Palmira and the next morning they entered the city, with the 2nd Mountain Infantry Battalion of Calingasta at the head, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Eduardo Aguirre. The long column of vehicles found the access roads blocked by buses and trucks that the CGT had abandoned during the night to make progress difficult, punctured the tires of most of them. Under the direction of officers and non-commissioned officers, the conscripts proceeded to remove them, moving the vehicles off the road or throwing them into the river and slowly, the displacement became effective.
The Second Army was received with joy. The population, mobilized by Dr. Facundo Suárez[1], took to the streets to cheer him and people approached the soldiers to give them food and drinks while shouting and applauding his passage from Guaymallén, along San Martín Avenue.
Lagos installed his command in the Military High School and appointed General Roberto Nazar as provisional governor of the province. Whoever was its owner until that moment, Dr. Carlos Horacio Evans, appeared shortly after, to make himself available to him and after a brief and correct exchange of words, he was told that he could leave the province or remain at home, finally opting for this last proposition.


General Julio Alberto Lagos

One of the first orders given by Lagos upon arriving in Mendoza was to occupy the radio station, dispatching for that mission a platoon under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Eduardo Aguirre, chief of the 2nd Mountain Battalion of Calingasta, which performed prominently during the San Luis rebellion. . Aguirre took over the station without any problems and immediately put Lieutenant Colonel Mario A. Fonseca on duty, who once at the microphone, proceeded to inform the citizens that both Mendoza and San Luis were in the power of the revolution.
Another important measure adopted by General Lagos was the arrest of senior leaders of the regional ruling party, represented mainly by the political and union leadership and by militants of the Justicialist basic units, who represented a serious threat to the revolution. There was no resistance in any of the basic units raided. Where there were problems was at the CGT premises, where many of its leaders, members and workers had barricaded themselves.
Lieutenant Colonel Aguirre headed towards the headquarters of the workers' union at the head of a platoon, believing that taking over the building was going to be a simple matter. However, upon arriving at the place, he was greeted by a large hail of bullets that forced him to to adopt defensive measures.
Following orders from their boss, the soldiers jumped out of the jeeps in which they had come and once under cover they opened fire, generating a violent exchange of fire in which two conscripts lost their lives and two officers were wounded.
The fight continued for several minutes, with the unionists containing any attempt to approach them, which forced Aguirre to ask for reinforcements. While he fired the submachine gun, he gave directives, concerned for the safety of his men. Two of them lay dead on the pavement and two others, seriously injured, were trying to take cover behind the vehicles.
Aguirre saw that the union members were shooting from various points, some from the upper windows and others from the roofs, so he tried to concentrate his bursts on those points.
The arrival of two trucks with troops was what decided the confrontation. Knowing they were surrounded and overwhelmed in men and weapons, the unionists waved a piece of white cloth tied to a stick and surrendered. The union headquarters was controlled and its defenders forced to leave slowly, with their hands on their heads. Once outside, they were subjected to an intense search and were then forced to board trucks to be taken to prison. The bodies of the dead soldiers were evacuated in an ambulance that arrived a few minutes later and the wounded left with them in the direction of the hospital. The actions in Cuyo had claimed their first victims.


Once the city was dominated, General Lagos ordered the occupation of the El Plumerillo Air Base, to which he sent General Arandía's second, Colonel Nicolás Plantamura, accompanied by the escort of the Mountain Infantry Detachment 1 under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Alberto Cabello. Waiting for them at the place was Vice Commodore Martín Alió, known for his Peronist tendency, who handed over the military unit, clarifying beforehand that he did not agree to the uprising. However, his officers did, whom Plantamura met in the casino to talk and find out his position regarding the revolution. Twelve nationally manufactured Calquin bombers were at the disposal of the rebel forces, which, added to the powerful crew of Villa Reynolds, constituted a weapon of great value.
Back in Mendoza, Lieutenant Colonel Cabello received the order to support Major Rufino Ortega's platoon that was to take the local headquarters of the Federal Police, a mission that was accomplished with the support of revolutionary civilian commands without any incidents.
That was the situation in Mendoza and San Luis when, after noon, Lieutenant Colonel Fonseca, the same one who had transmitted the revolutionary messages by radio, requested authorization to march on San Juan, fearful of the attitude that the head of the army might assume. that garrison, Colonel Ricardo Botto.
After obtaining the approval of his superiors, Fonseca gathered under his command Colonel Aguirre's Infantry Battalion and the San Juan Sapper Company that reinforced the Second Army there and provided it with a cannon from the artillery battalion commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Fernando. Elizondo, he started.
The troops traveled throughout the night, stopping their march at dawn, in the town of Carpintería, close to the provincial capital. From there they continued in broad daylight, while people, almost all from the fields, farms and vineyards immediately around the route, gathered on the side of the route to greet the troops. As Ruiz Moreno, from whom we extract most of the information, relates, people did not forget the prohibition on carrying out the procession of the Virgin of Andacollo, imposed by the government.
Where there was tension was in San Juan, as a result of the deployment of police forces carried out by Commissioner César Camargo. The police were determined to resist but the intervention of Fonseca, also from San Juan and a childhood friend of Camargo, prevented bloodshed. It was evident that the police were not an adequate force to confront the Army and it was necessary, at all costs, to avoid any type of clash.
Camargo agreed and raised the device for the troops to enter the city, birthplace of illustrious personalities in Argentine history such as Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, Brother Justo Santa María de Oro and Francisco Narciso Laprida. There were also scenes of joy, with the crowd cheering and applauding the passage of the rebel troops. The Virgin of Mercy was even taken out of the cathedral in front of which the crowd gathered and prayed, covering the Plaza 25 de Mayo. Fonseca was carried on a litter to the Government House where his head, Juan Viviani, handed over command to him. In this way, Cuyo was left in the power of the revolution with General Lagos, at the head of the civil and military command.

At 06:30 on September 19, a Beechcraft AT-11 from Córdoba landed in the countryside, on Route 40, 30 kilometers south of Mendoza, bringing on board frigate captain Carlos García Favre, emissary of General Lonardi. As soon as he got off the plane, the naval officer boarded a private vehicle that immediately took him to Luján de Cuyo, a stop before the provincial capital, where he arrived around 11:00 when the population was celebrating the arrival of the Second Army in the streets. coming from St. Louis.
An hour later, he was brought before General Lagos, urgent as he was to inform him of the difficult situation that the rebel garrison was going through. Once in his presence, frigate captain Carlos García Favre conveyed to him his distressing request for reinforcements and the imperative need for him to get underway as soon as possible to alleviate the difficult situation of he. While this was happening, in the streets, the crowd chanted slogans in favor of revolution and freedom, ignorant of those events that were unfolding.
Far from what García Favre imagined, Lagos's attitude was one of caution. After listening attentively, the general spoke slowly, detailing the inconveniences involved in providing aid to Lonardi. According to him, the Second Army was not fully aware of what was happening, it was imbued with the slogan of not spilling blood between brothers and for that reason, its full subordination could not be counted on when marching on Córdoba. . On the other hand, the capture of Río Cuarto was impossible because fuel was scarce and extremely difficult to obtain.
García Favre was dismayed because he did not expect such an attitude. Extremely nervous, he insisted again: Córdoba urgently needed reinforcements because if it did not have them the revolution would end up being defeated. Lagos remained in his position. Without saying a word, he listened to the emissary with a serious expression and then summoned him to a new meeting at 6:00 p.m.
By then, all Peronist party headquarters had been raided and the private homes of several activists confiscated, in order to prevent acts of sabotage, all this before the radio reported that starting at 9:00 p.m. that same day, the curfew and that martial law was in force throughout the city.

At the agreed time, García Favre, wearing civilian clothes, appeared at the barracks of the Sapper Battalion 8 for his second meeting with Lagos. Upon arrival, he was invited to witness the formation in the parade ground, in front of which, the general took formal possession of his position and harangued troops and civilians, exhorting them to fight for freedom. He also praised the Navy for its courageous and unwavering actions, stating at the end that the union of the three forces would ultimately grant them victory. But as far as the help requested is concerned, he said nothing specifically to García Favre. When the liaison tried to communicate with Lonardi to relieve him of the situation, he found that the arrest of the officers in charge of communications prevented him from establishing contact.
During the night of September 18 to 19, General Lagos and his high command developed a plan to alleviate the difficult situation in which General Lonardi found himself. Among other things, an air attack was decided from Villa Reynolds to the Las Higueras airfield, in order to neutralize the loyalist Gloster Meteors operating from there.
As Ruiz Moreno explains, Villa Reynolds, seat of the V Air Brigade, had been occupied on Sunday the 18th by troops from the IV Mountain Detachment of Tupungato who had left the previous day from San Luis, with that destination.
The taking of the base was carried out by the I Battalion of the 21st Mountain Infantry Regiment under the command of Major Celestino Argumedo, who arrived after two hours of march along a 110-kilometer route. In the brigade, the officers who at that time (03:00 in the morning) had control of the unit were waiting for them, after an intense combat with the 278 loyal non-commissioned officers who guarded it and who attempted acts of sabotage.
That same afternoon (5:30 p.m.), Major Argumedo contacted General Lagos to suggest carrying out the planned attack on the Las Higueras airfield, because at that height, it was imperative to neutralize the threat posed by the Gloster Meteors that operated from there. They responded three hours later, telling him to stay in his position until further notice.
The attack never materialized and Argumedo limited himself only to supplying bombs to both the revolutionary forces of Córdoba and those of Comandante Espora and to providing light weapons to the revolutionary civilian command of Dr. Guillermo Torres Fotheringham that was to take over Radio Ranquel in Río Cuarto. .
The next morning, an unexpected event took place that significantly raised the morale of the revolutionary forces. Soldiers of the Second Army who were inspecting the Mendoza railway station discovered a car full of cutting-edge weapons from the United States, which was there in transit to Chile. The cargo, composed of bazookas, recoilless rocket cannons and machine guns, was seized and distributed among the troops that were to march on Río Cuarto the next day. The joy that the discovery aroused meant little to Captain García Favre since in the afternoon, General Lagos told him that he was not planning to divert troops towards Córdoba because he planned to consolidate his positions in Mendoza.
General Lonardi's emissary was perplexed but managed to make a proposal aimed at complicating Perón's situation and lightening that of his superior: request international organizations to recognize Cuyo as a belligerent territory. Lagos agreed and without wasting time, ordered Dr. Bonifacio del Carril, honorary auditor of the Army in the Field, to begin the corresponding steps.
Because the situation in Cuyo was unknown in Córdoba, Lonardi dispatched Major Francisco Guevara with the mission of communicating to Lagos that he was ready to establish an air bridge between both provinces in order to transport the reinforcements of the Second Army to the combat zone. .
In accordance with this plan, the Military Aviation School began to prepare three DC-3s and a Convair from Aerolíneas Argentinas, from which the seats were removed to increase its capacity. Civil aviator Alfredo Barragán, pilot of the state airline company and determined supporter of the revolution, was placed in charge of them, who had to drive the planes to Mendoza in the company of Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Godoy.
Guevara boarded a Beechcraft AT-11 piloted by Captain González Albarracín, a co-pilot and a radio operator and left through the San Roque Lake air corridor, the only one that still remained open to rebel aviation, bound for Cuyo. The ship flew low until it reached the waters and at that point took flight, to move away between the positions occupied by the 14th Infantry Regiment and the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment.
After two hours of flight, the plane touched down in El Plumerillo, from where Guevara departed to meet Lagos.
Upon seeing him arrive, the general stood up and greeted him affectionately, inviting him to participate in the meeting that he was currently holding with Arandía and García Favre. The head of the Second Army seemed oblivious to reality and gave the impression that the triumphal entry he had made in Mendoza had negatively influenced him.
Guevara gave a detailed account of what was happening in Córdoba and, like García Favre, placed special emphasis on General Lonardi's need for reinforcements. When he finished speaking, he gave Lagos a letter from the leader of the revolution in which he requested the urgent sending of all the infantry with their mortars and machine guns, explaining that the crisis that his group suffered was, precisely, an infantry crisis and that His situation had worsened so much that he counted on that help to overcome it as soon as possible.
Despite this and the fact that Guevara explained that Lonardi planned to resist until the end, Lagos hesitated again, arguing that he had only 1,000 men to defend Cuyo and that he could not deprive himself of any. When he expressed his decision to establish a provisional government in Mendoza, Guevara was surprised and responded that this idea had already been adopted by General Lonardi but that it was not essential at that time.
That made Lagos reconsider and, at least for the moment, he scrapped the project to once again study sending reinforcements to Córdoba.
He was leaving on the 19th and Lagos was still thinking.

While Lagos and Guevara argued, the Aerolíneas Argentinas plane that Lonardi had sent to Barragán's command landed in El Plumerillo.
Once on land, the new arrivals hurried to the Lagos command post and asked to speak to him. At that time, the general was meeting with General Arandía, Major Enzo Garuti, Judge of Military Instruction, Lieutenant Colonel Eduardo Aguirre, Captain García Favre and Major Guevara.
The newcomers were extremely anxious when they entered the room, assuming that by then everything had been decided, but once again Lagos delayed the matter, wanting his General Staff to stop and thoroughly analyze the situation. This attitude exasperated spirits, especially that of Commander Barragán who, raising his voice, demanded the immediate sending of reinforcements. The response he received left him stunned by its unusual and absurd nature:

-I can't distract troops because here the CGT is very strong and I could have problems.

That was the straw that broke the camel's back.
-But how is the CGT going to be a problem for the Army?!! -Barragán shouted- what are you saying?!! We have the problem!! Come on general, you have to give us the troops and weapons right now!!!

The pilot was so out of his mind that while he was speaking he pulled out his weapon, forcing those present to intervene to try to appease his anger.

-Calm down Barragán! - said Lieutenant Colonel Aguirre - Everything will be solved!

 Then, it was Major Garuti who made himself feel above the tumult.

-We must help Córdoba, general. Whose is able to do it!

Upon hearing those words, Lagos seemed convinced and in a serious tone ordered:

-Well Garuti, organize a Company.

Finally, after wasting precious hours in musings, the doubtful chief of the Second Army authorized the enlistment of 200 infantry personnel who, equipped with heavy machine guns and under the command of Major Garuti, immediately left for El Plumerillo to board the planes that, in a non-stop flight would take them to the theater of operations.

Notes

1. He was a known radical leader of the province.

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón

 

The 1905 Radical Revolution

1905 Radical Revolution

On February 4, 1905, the civil-military revolution organized by the Radical Civic Union and led by Hipólito Yrigoyen took place, which attempted to overthrow the constitutional government of Manuel Quintana, demanding free and democratic elections. It was one of the most important rebellions that Argentina suffered up to that time, due to the number of soldiers involved, the forces linked and the extension of the movement throughout the country.



Towards the end of 1893, the Radical Civic Union was facing its first internal dispute and was divided into two groups: the red radicals who supported Leandro Alem's leadership of the party, and the lyrical radicals who supported Hipólito Yrigoyen's interpretation of the seizure of power and his leadership in radicalism.



The Reds were in favor of revolution as a method to change the prevailing system while the Lyrics were considered "evolutionists" and did not trust in carrying out a coup d'état as a method for the changes they considered necessary..




Alem was supported within the party by leaders such as Bernardo de Irigoyen, Francisco Barroetaveña, Leopoldo Melo, Mariano Demaría, Lisandro de la Torre, Vicente Gallo, Simón S. Pérez, Joaquín Castellanos, Adolfo Saldías, José Nicolás Matienzo, Martín Torino, Mariano Candioti , Adolfo Mugica, Víctor M. Molina, among others. Yrigoyen is supported by some young people such as Marcelo T. de Alvear and the majority of radical leaders in the province of Buenos Aires, whose provincial committee was led by Yrigoyen himself.





In 1896, Aristóbulo Del Valle died and Leandro Alem, plunged into a deep depression affected by successive political defeats, a failed love relationship and the deep internal division of radicalism, committed suicide. At that time the two radical groups tried to unify again in the face of the death of the two top leaders of the party. But the union did not last long and in 1897 the separation occurred again.




The former Reds, now led by Bernardo de Irigoyen and called radical coalitionists or Bernardists, after Alem's suicide, try to reach an agreement with General Bartolomé Miter and the National Civic Union to confront the Roquismo in the presidential and Buenos Aires elections of 1898. The agreement included the formation of a mixed formula for the presidency of the Nation, headed by the radical Bernardo de Irigoyen, and the same, but headed by the engineer Emilio Mitre, leader of the UCN, for the governorship of the province of Buenos Aires.




This agreement was known as the "parallel policy" and laid the seed for a future reunification of the Civic Union, as confirmed in 1890 before the division that occurred the following year between radicals and mitristas, but Yrigoyen and his allies (now known as intransigents or hypolists) refused to accept it and did everything possible to boycott it from their stronghold of the radical committee of the province of Buenos Aires.



In the end the agreement between radicals and Mitristas fell definitively due to Yrigoyen's action of dissolving the Committee of the Radical Civic Union of the province of Buenos Aires, which ended any possibility that the radicalism of the province would accept a Mitrista candidate for the governorship of the province. The fall of the parallel politics paved the way for the second presidency of General Julio Argentino Roca.



Even so, in the province of Buenos Aires, the national autonomists of Pellegrini, the radical coalitionists and the intransigents of Hipólito Yrigoyen managed to negotiate in the Electoral College and managed to establish Bernardo de Irigoyen, leader of the radical coalitionists, as governor of the province together with the intransigent radical Alfredo Demarchi as vice-governor, to snatch the province from the National Civic Union, who had won in the popular vote.




A lo largo de los siguientes años el radicalismo ingresaría en un tumultuoso periodo en el que todas las estructuras partidarias colapsaron y la interna entre coalicionistas e intransigentes nunca se saldo. Durante la gobernación de Bernardo de Irigoyen, los hipolistas fueron sus principales opositores, por lo tanto el gobierno provincial sobrevivió gracias al apoyo de los pellegrinistas y del gobierno nacional de Roca.



By the year 1900, the Bernardista sector of radicalism, which grouped together some of the men who had been closest to Alem, joined the Autonomist Party of the province of Buenos Aires, led by Carlos Pellegrini. The fusion between the Autonomist Party and the Bernardist sector of radicalism eventually resulted in the formation of the United Parties, which brought Marcelino Ugarte to the governorship of Buenos Aires in 1902, with the former radical Adolfo Saldías as its vice-governor.




Towards the first years of the 20th century, the Radical Civic Union had officially ceased to exist. But the survival of radicalism as a political force until the present day was largely the work of Hipólito Yrigoyen and the political circle that accompanied him since the internal party of 1893. At the beginning of 1903, Yrigoyen began to reorganize the Unión Cívica Radical (Radical Civic Union), inviting a political event for July 26 of that year, on the thirteenth anniversary of the Revolución del Parque (Park Revolution).



The event received a great response from the public and was attended by approximately 50,000 people. Yrigoyen was also successful in attracting important figures who had been part of the ranks of radicalism and who at that time were part of other political parties, such as the case of Pedro C. Molina from Córdoba, who was part of the Republican Party, led by Emilio Mitre.




In October 1903, the so-called "Convention of Notables" met in Buenos Aires, made up of more than 300 political leaders from all over the country, whose objective was to elect the presidential candidate who was to replace Julio Argentino Roca in office in 1904.



The Convention of Notables took place in the midst of the strong dispute between Roca and Carlos Pellegrini, which had been taking place since the breakdown of relations between the two in 1901 after a disagreement over a project to unify the external debt, which divided the Autonomist Party. National in two sectors: rockers and pellegrinistas.




Before the convention, Pellegrini was emerging as the main candidate for the presidency of the Nation but during its development, Roca managed to block Pellegrini's candidacy. For this reason, Pellegrini publicly accused Roca of destroying the National Autonomist Party. The rupture between the two, which was hinted at during Roca's second presidency, ended up materializing and Pellegrini founded the Autonomist Party. For this reason, Pellegrini and his supporters abandoned the convention, as did the political core led by Bernardo de Irigoyen.


Due to the break with Pellegrini and part of the interior leadership, Roca had to make an agreement with Marcelino Ugarte, governor of Buenos Aires, who imposed the name of Manuel Quintana as a presidential candidate to try to position himself as his successor. The winner of the Convention of Notables was Marcelino Ugarte who was able to impose Manuel Quintana, who was a man "stranger to the parties" and who had been a political rival of Roca in 1893/1894 when he served as strong man of the Luis Sáenz government Peña, as president and accepted José Figueroa Alcorta from Córdoba, a name promoted by the interior leaders associated with the ruling party, as vice president.




In February 1904, Yrigoyen organized a party convention, the first since the 1897 convention that debated parallel politics. However, almost no former Alemnista or Bernardista returned to the party ranks and the radicalism that was reorganized was made up almost exclusively of those men who were part of the old Buenos Aires radical group of Yrigoyen.

The reconstruction of the UCR carried out by Yrigoyen showed a series of distinctive features. To reunite the party, the Buenos Aires leader resorted to the sacred symbols of radicalism: the figure of Alem, the revolution of July 1890, the party conventions and the revolution. Yrigoyen knew how to use party symbols to give his organization an image of continuity with the original group..





Obviously it was not mentioned that during the 1890s Yrigoyen's political sector had behaved as an organization independent of the party branch, that its leader had maintained a tense relationship with Alem, that Yrigoyen's participation in the Parque revolution of 1890 had had been a minor, who was suspected of having refused to cooperate in the armed uprisings planned by Alem after 1893, and of having defied the authority of the last party convention in 1897.

While other sectors of the old radicalism had dispersed and merged into different political parties, Yrigoyen presented himself as the legitimate heir of the Radical Civic Union, loyal to its founding objectives and strategies. The new radical organization demonstrated against the omnipotence of the PAN, against its economic policy, against corruption, and against the absence of guarantees for clean elections.




The UCR partly resumed its old language and style, although it did so in a context markedly different from the previous one and with some of its own particularities. In the first decade of the 20th century, the PAN was in complete decline and completely divided, the economy returned to its high growth rates and new political parties, such as the Socialist and the Republican, experienced the direct benefits of electoral competition.




On February 29, 1904, the newly reorganized National Committee of the Radical Civic Union declared the party's electoral abstention in the presidential and legislative elections of 1904. But while they declared their electoral abstention for the 1904 elections, its leaders conspired. Hipólito Yrigoyen had toured the country convincing and engaging hundreds of radical militants and young Army officers, and had even formed a revolutionary junta that he led, supported by José Camilo Crotto, Delfor del Valle and Ramón Gómez.



The initial objective was for this revolutionary movement to break out on September 10, 1904, during the government of Julio Roca. But the revolution had to be postponed. The government was suspicious and had taken some preventive measures. Yrigoyen, the only one who knew the entire revolutionary plot, decided to wait for the right moment.




On October 12, 1904, Roca completed his presidential term and handed over the presidency to his successor, Manuel Quintana. For his part, Yrigoyen explained to his coreligionists that it was not a revolution against a person but against "the Regime", so it mattered little if it started earlier or later.



Finally, in the early morning of February 4, 1905, the civil-military revolutionary movement, which had been preparing since the beginning of 1904 by the leaders of the Radical Civic Union and allies within the Army, began in the Federal Capital, Bahía Blanca. , Mendoza, Córdoba, Rosario and Santa Fé.



In the Federal Capital, the key element of the plot was the seizure of the Arsenal, from where weapons would be distributed to groups of radical militants. However, an infidelity allowed the government to learn of the revolutionary plan. General Carlos Smith, chief of the General Staff, in collaboration with Colonel Rosendo Fraga, chief of police of the Federal Capital, anticipated and became strong in the Arsenal, preventing the uprising of the neighboring 1st and 10th infantry regiments. In this way he prevented groups of civilian revolutionaries from being provided with weapons. Without those weapons the plan was destined to fail. Although in the previous days the radical leader had warned of the possibility of failure, it was already too late to give the counter-order. However, what happened at the Arsenal was not enough to stop hundreds of radical militants who, throughout the early hours of the morning, attacked numerous police stations in the city.



The government of President Manuel Quintana, who knew of the revolutionary plans, reacted with quick measures: he declared a state of siege throughout the country for the next ninety days, and established press censorship. The police, loyal to the national government, raided dozens of buildings in search of revolutionaries. Only some troops from the 9th Infantry Regiment marched towards Buenos Aires from Campo de Mayo, but shortly afterward they dispersed. Loyal troops and police soon recovered the police stations taken by surprise and the revolutionary cantons. At noon on February 4, the revolution in the Federal Capital had been completely defeated.




But the same was not happening in other parts of the country. The uprising had been successful in Mendoza, Córdoba and Bahía Blanca, where civilians had had the support of several military regiments. In Mendoza, the entire military garrison joined the uprising along with a mountain artillery regiment from San Juan. These troops provided weapons to civilians who identified themselves with their white berets. The revolutionaries attacked the capital of Mendoza, took 300,000 pesos from Banco Nación and attacked the barracks defended by Lieutenant Basilio Pertiné. The Mendoza government and some soldiers tried to resist in the Government House but laid down their arms. José Néstor Lencinas, head of the Revolutionary Junta, formed a provisional government after overthrowing the constitutional governor Carlos Galigniana Segura.




In Córdoba, the military troops under the command of Colonel Daniel Fernández were mobilized from the early hours of dawn and began to move after a speech by Colonel Fernández, in which he said: “Soldiers: we are going to carry out a transcendental crusade! For the Argentina that is close to dying, which is the reverse of Caseros and Pavón”!





The rebel military troops took over the Police Headquarters, took over the capital city and clashed with troops loyal to Governor Olmos, led by Colonel Gregorio Vélez. The hostilities lasted until noon and left several dead on both sides. Once the combats were over, they overthrew the government of José Vicente Olmos to impose a provisional government under the command of Colonel Daniel Fernández, accompanied by Abraham Molina and Aníbal Pérez del Viso as ministers. The proclamation spread in Córdoba sets the tone of the radical revolutionaries: "... the day has come when the opprobrious regime that has dominated the country for 30 years, covering it with ignominy before friends and strangers, ends."



In Córdoba, the radical revolutionaries took hostage Governor Olmos, Vice President José Figueroa Alcorta, who by chance was in Córdoba, Deputy Julio Roca, son of General Julio Argentino Roca, Francisco J. Beazley, who was returning from acting as intervener in San Luis, to Felipe Yofre, former Minister of the Interior during Roca's presidency, to Baron Antonio Demarchi, son-in-law of former President Roca, among other officials and political leaders of the opposition.



The radicals also headed towards the La Paz ranch, owned by Julio Argentino Roca, to try to arrest the former president, but Roca, who had been warned that the revolutionaries were heading towards his ranch, managed to escape from being taken prisoner and headed to the neighboring province of Santiago del Estero.



In Rosario the radical military troops marched from San Lorenzo towards Rosario, where civilian groups had taken over the Argentine Central Railway station. In Rosario, intense fighting also took place in the Arroyito area. However, once the failure of the revolution in Buenos Aires was known, the rebellious troops returned to their barracks, and abandoned the civilians to their fate.



The rebellious troops in Bahía Blanca and other cities in the interior had no perspective, nor did they find an echo in the town. President Manuel Quintana employed the same tactic used in 1893 to quell the radical movement; The state of siege became martial law. Despite the initial successes in Córdoba and Mendoza, the national government kept the situation under control and sent troops from different parts of the country to reduce the revolutionary centers.



The revolutionary attempt had not prospered in the other provinces, and the Córdoba radicals would be left alone in the fight. In search of a way out of the difficult situation, the revolutionary minister Aníbal Pérez del Viso took Vice President Figueroa Alcorta to the telegraph offices, where he made him establish communication with President Manuel Quintana. Once this was done, Pérez del Viso took the place of Figueroa Alcorta and began to propose different solutions, which obviously protected the insurgents. The revolutionaries even asked President Quintana for his resignation in exchange for the life of Vice President Figueroa Alcorta, however the president did not give in and the threat was not carried out.



As the powerful columns led by Generals Lorenzo Winter and Ignacio Fotheringham approached, the revolutionaries in Córdoba and Mendoza began to disperse. Finally the Radical Revolutionary Junta decided to lay down their arms to avoid more bloodshed. On February 8, there were no revolutionary centers left in the entire Republic. Immediately, the government of President Manuel Quintana arrested and ordered the rebels to be prosecuted, who were sentenced to up to 8 years in prison and sent to the Ushuaia prison. Many others went into exile in Chile or Uruguay. In the case of the military, those who joined the uprising lost their careers.



The repression was carried out against the radical revolutionaries and simultaneously against the labor movement, the socialists and their organizations, their press, etc., although they had had no connection with the February 4 movement. Hundreds of union members were arrested, the socialist and anarchist press was banned, the offices of the newspapers La Vanguardia and La Protesta, among others, were raided, and union offices were closed.



After the events of February, Quintana addressed Congress and said in this regard: "When I received the government, I knew of the conspiracy that was being hatched in the Army and that is why I directed that incitement to remain a stranger to the agitations of politics by invoking "at the same time the example of their ancestors and the glory of their weapons. A part of the junior officers did not want to listen to me and preferred to embark on an adventure that does not excuse inexperience in the face of the inflexible duties of the soldier."




After the defeat of the revolution, Yrigoyen went underground since he was wanted by the national authorities and for months there was no news about his whereabouts. Finally, on May 19, he appeared before Justice to assume his responsibility as the maximum head of the Revolutionary Junta.



The revolution was defeated, but it would unleash a current of institutional change within the ruling party that could no longer be stopped. The National Autonomist Party had divided, and both Carlos Pellegrini and Roque Sáenz Peña, main leaders of the new Autonomist Party, founded in 1903, understood the need to make profound institutional changes if the growing social and political conflict was to be contained.




Although at the moment the hostilities against the national government were still high and on August 11, 1905 there was an attack against Quintana, while he was heading in his carriage to the Government House, a man shot the president several times without being able to do anything. fire. The car continued moving, and the custody agents detained the aggressor, who turned out to be a Catalan worker named Salvador Planas y Virella, an anarchist sympathizer, who acted on his own initiative.



In March 1906, President Manuel Quintana died and was replaced in office by José Figueroa Alcorta, who until then was the vice president of the Nation and was politically inclined towards Pellegrinism. In June 1906, Figueroa Alcorta and Pellegrini promoted a Law of Oblivion, to offer a general amnesty to all radical participants in the revolution of the previous year, exiled in Uruguay and Chile or who were in hiding or prisoners.



In the years that followed, radicalism grew in support among sectors of the incipient middle class of the Federal Capital and the interior, especially among those young professionals, children of immigrants. The social composition of the radical leadership also changed with respect to that of the 1890s. The majority of its leaders seemed to come mainly from families who had arrived in the country recently and who had had little or no participation in politics. In comparison to that after the Park Revolution, where its leaders came from traditional families of the country.



The political system was also changing in those years, when a sector of the ruling class decided to open up and transform the rules of the political game. The reformists led by President Figueroa Alcorta believed in the need to promote an electoral reform that would establish a truly representative government. And the electoral reform finally arrived, in 1912, at the hands of Roque Sáenz Peña. Four years later, on October 12, 1916, the leader of the 1905 revolution, Hipólito Yrigoyen, took office as president of the Nation.