Argentine Army: Roca's Pardon for Soldier Evaristo Sosa

The day Roca saved a man sentenced to death half an hour before the execution

The general was president and granted a pardon to a soldier imprisoned for attacking a superior who had mistreated him. The details of the decision.

By Luciana Sabina || Infobae



Evaristo Sosa, the soldier “saved” by Julio A. Roca

In January 1902, the country was on edge for days following the death sentence of soldier Evaristo Sosa, a humble-born serviceman who, after being subjected to mistreatment, attempted to take the life of a superior. The press captured the social outrage sparked by the sentence, whose outcome was worthy of a suspense novel.

On January 3, 1902, Sosa, a volunteer soldier with six years of service in the national army, was arrested drunk in a store, an act that, according to reports of the time, "caused disturbances." He was immediately taken to Campo de Mayo (Argentine Army Headquarters). There, he was placed under the charge of Second Lieutenant Ramírez, whose first name, curiously, was not mentioned in the accounts of those years. As punishment, Sosa was sentenced to a “plantón” — the military obligation to stand guard without relief — for six hours, although he only completed three.

The "Sosa Case" caused a great stir in its time

After serving his punishment and being released, the condemned Sosa became enraged. He then took his regulation weapon and, in the early hours of January 4, went to the room of the second lieutenant, who was dozing in a rocking chair. With almost no words exchanged, he fired his Mauser carbine at him, destroying part of the officer's face. Sosa was imprisoned without resistance and stated that he attacked the officer because he had punished him in a "demeaning manner." Ramírez, meanwhile, was transferred to the Military Hospital, where he managed to recover. For this attack, the assailant ended up shackled and brought before a military tribunal, which sentenced him to death.

The sentence was handed down on January 17 and was to be carried out the following day. Soon, society mobilized to prevent it, aware that Sosa's reaction was the result of the well-known mistreatment inflicted on lower-ranking members of the Army. A group of Buenos Aires women even went to request a pardon from then-President Julio Argentino Roca. However, they received no response.

Meanwhile, the press denounced the situation nationwide, highlighting how abhorrent it was. While the death penalty was legal in the country, it caused immense social rejection.

As the hours passed, the impotence of many grew. That night, Evaristo Sosa did not sleep. At 5 a.m., they came for him to begin the routine ordeal to which prisoners were subjected before being executed. His composure did not falter, despite the terrible night he had spent under the weight of his sentence.

He was placed "en capilla" under a tent, a concept that warrants explanation. The term refers to the space occupied by any condemned prisoner while awaiting execution. As historian Carlos Riviera points out, it originates "from a tradition at the ancient University of Salamanca [Spain], where doctoral candidates, the day before defending their thesis before the tribunal, had to confine themselves for an entire day in the chapel of Saint Barbara in the old cathedral of Salamanca to seek enlightenment from the Holy Spirit. There, they had to prepare in complete solitude, as even their meals were passed to them through a small window."

Sosa was placed “en capilla” during the night he awaited execution

Returning to Sosa, half an hour after being "placed en capilla," he was visited by a priest who held Mass near the tent. The soldier, deeply moved, took Communion, impressing the few witnesses present with his demeanor. Shortly after, he received visits from some comrades to bid farewell and find comfort in the face of his imminent end. One of them strummed a melancholic tune on a guitar and sang its verses, further unsettling the condemned man.

As emotion overtook the small group of soldiers, moving everyone to tears, the surroundings were filled with noise and activity. The magazine Caras y Caretas covered the event in detail. Among other things, it reported that Commander Rostagno, the military secretary to the President of the Republic, arrived "carrying a note for the senior commander of the forces."

"‘The pardon!’ murmured most, as the rumor spread throughout the camp, even though preparations for the execution continued, keeping Sosa isolated," the magazine recounted.

They were not mistaken. At the very last moment, Julio Argentino Roca decided to grant the longed-for pardon. However, the soldier misunderstood the situation and cried out in despair: "I have half an hour to live!"

Roca decided to pardon the prisoner

But the panic lasted only a few minutes, and Sosa regained his composure upon seeing a group of commanders and officers arrive at his tent. Caras y Caretas reported: "They were the bearers of the good news, who at first merely hinted at a glimmer of hope to avoid what was feared (...) They allowed Lieutenant García to notify the prisoner of the commutation—as he had informed him of the sentence the day before. The poor soldier collapsed onto a bench, seized by a terrible nervous breakdown that alarmed the doctors, making them fear a cardiac syncope. He registered 120 beats per minute initially, which then dropped so quickly that ether inhalations had to be applied to help him recover."

"The tent was then cleared, and Sosa asked to be left alone for a moment. Shortly after, he fell into a heavy, leaden sleep. Meanwhile, the entire camp showed visible signs of relief, with the good news spreading among commanders, officers, and soldiers alike. More than 500 people from the capital and nearby towns had come to Campo de Mayo, and all of them carried away the joyful impression of the atmosphere that, just moments earlier, had been prepared for a grim execution," the publication detailed.

Evaristo, a native of the province of Mendoza, was married to Teresa Espíndola and had a young son, nine years old. It is easy to imagine the happiness of them all.

Undoubtedly, the person most surprised by the news of the commutation of the sentence was the condemned man himself, who experienced an episode of mental disarray just a few hours later.

The entire country had anticipated Roca's intervention. While Sosa's actions were undeniably criminal, many regarded them as a natural reaction to the mistreatment soldiers faced at the time. Furthermore, the Supreme Military Council that issued the sentence disregarded the involvement of the Ministry of War, stating it was beyond its jurisdiction. This was seen as a significant affront to the Executive Branch.

Despite receiving the news with relief, public opinion criticized Roca for waiting until the last moment instead of acting sooner.

"It would have been more humane to act earlier," Caras y Caretas remarked at the time, "since the prisoner, as we said from the start, worn down by so many emotions and convinced that his offense would not be met with mercy, has experienced a significant physical and moral decline. Clear signs of mental distress had been evident for days, and on Friday morning, after learning of the commutation, it was necessary to transfer him to the Military Hospital."

Indeed, under such extreme suffering, Sosa lost his sanity and spent months hospitalized. He deluded himself into thinking he had bullets in his chest, believing he had been executed by firing squad.

Once he recovered, he was imprisoned again. In 1909, he was transferred to the military prison in Ushuaia, where he worked as a muleteer. From that point on, his name faded into the pages of oblivion.

But this was not the only person from Mendoza whom Roca pardoned in 1902. Another singular episode occurred in July of that year.

In Mendoza, Juan Rodríguez was imprisoned for murdering a pregnant woman and her husband to steal a meager sum of money. The crime, which took place in the department of Rivadavia, caused great public outcry. From the presidency, a telegram arrived approving the execution of the accused, with the support of the governor and the Mendoza judiciary. The shock in Mendoza and the rest of the nation was indescribable when, through another communication, General Roca himself declared the initial telegram to be fraudulent.

It was later revealed that the author of the telegram was none other than his own son and personal secretary, Dr. Julio A. Roca. The improper and informal nature of this procedure put both the president and the Mendoza governor under scrutiny. As a result, Rodríguez’s life was spared.

Beyond these particular cases, it is important to highlight the strong societal rejection of the death penalty. At the beginning of the 20th century, the liberal press referred to it as "an act of barbarity, far removed from the civilized society we aspire to be." Years later, socialists, particularly Alfredo Palacios, joined the fight for its abolition.

Finally, in 1922, with the reform of the Penal Code, the death penalty was abolished in Argentina.

Triple Alliance War: Roca at Curupaytí

Roca at Curupaytí

Julio Argentino Roca participated in the Battle of Curupaytí, where our troops were defeated. This is how General Garmendia described that return:

“I saw Sarmiento dead – Dominguito, son of the hero –, carried in a blanket by four wounded soldiers: that livid face, full of mud, had the brutal appearance of death (…)

I saw in the distance that Roca came out alone with a torn flag; Around that glorious banner reigned the emptiness of the tomb. When he approached and avoided his sullen horse, I could make out that one of them was riding on his rump: it was Solier covered in blood. Friend had saved friend.

Rivas, so brave on that day as a General on the battlefield, I saw him moaning because of his wound. Anomaly of the brave: many times his own blood troubles them far from the heat of the slaughter.

Ayala, Calvete, Victorica, Mansilla (...) and who knows how many more, all wounded, dripping blood, retreated in silence (...).

That procession of bloody rags was endless, among which was headless Darragueira; of dying people, of unbreakable heroes, of shattered harmonies, of pieces without artillerymen, of horses without restraints (...).

Then it was that the commander-in-chief [Mitre] with his General Staff appeared before my eyes, fatigued by so much horror (...) then I just emotionally suffered the gloomy silence of the soul, that loneliness of ghosts of defeat, and I understood for the first time “In my life what was a great national disaster”

Roca and the "Day of the Race"

Columbus Day

By Rolando Hanglin | LA NACION





We Argentines have a defect that is, at the same time, our cardinal virtue. We are, in large part, grandchildren of gringos. Therefore, we ignore almost everything regarding the history of our country. We are part of the human tide that came down from the ships between 1880 and 1920, when the corpses of thousands of victims were not yet well covered by the pious earth. Indians and Christians, hostages and captives, chieftain (caciques) and soldiers (milicos), all of them who fell in the great Indian-Christian war, between 1820 and 1890.

 

Being, then, half gringos, we could know little about the raids, the forts, Roca and Villegas, Pincén and Calfucurá. To us, the Indians were guys with feathers that appeared in cowboy movies! Always losing the battle.

We are, in large part, grandchildren of gringos. Therefore, we ignore almost everything regarding the history of our country.

That is why we are surprised that, today, the supposed descendants of those Indians, today called "Mapuches", claim properties in places like Bariloche, Aluminé, La Angostura and even Toay, La Pampa.



Let's go in parts.

Actually, the term "Mapuche" was invented by the North American ethnologist Edmond E. Smith in 1850, and later spread in different countries of America. The meaning is clear: mapu: land; che: people. In the same way, myself, a fan of the Patagonian language (mapu-dungún) I have baptized my weekend country house "Epu-Trehua" (the two dogs) and a little chalet I have in Chapadmalal, "Antu-Catán " (house of the sun) without claiming any historical roots.

Reading the works of Lucio V. Mansilla, Estanislao Zeballos, Manuel Prado and other authors from the time of the forts, we never find the word "Mapuche". No such tribe or nation was ever spoken of. The literature of 1820-1880 does speak of the Pampas, the Serranos, the Araucanians or Chileans, the Vorogas, the Tehuelches, the Tubichaminís. But the word Mapuche never appears. History and anthropology agree that Argentine territory, from San Luis to the south, was occupied by the northern Tehuelches (pampas, aoniken), the southern Tehuelches (pampas, guenaken) and the Tehuelches who had crossed over to the island, known as onas. These countrymen were part of a community of hunter-gatherers. They did not farm the land or uphold the concept of private property or national boundaries. Just that of "living space", which moved settlements in those immense extensions, always looking for abundant hunting of guanacos, deer, piches, ostriches. They occupied, then, without occupying it, an immense country. It is believed that these Tehuelches (or their ancestors) stamped the rock walls of the Cueva de las Manos 8000 years ago. Casamiquela affirms that when Carmen de Patagones was founded, the Tehuelches began to traffic rhea feathers and guanaco skins. They did the same in Punta Arenas, in 1850, and in 1865 with the Welsh colony, in the Chubut valley. It was an activity of economic significance far superior to what it may seem today. All the testimonies agree that the Tehuelche people were peaceful and dispersed.



Hence, it's quite unusual to witness the emergence, even in 2012, of communes, movements, or unions identifying as "Mapuche" that assert claims over territories in Chubut, Río Negro, Neuquén, and Santa Cruz. Where do these groups originate? Are they indigenous peoples of our nation, to whom the Republic owes redress for its past injustices in usurping their lands and undermining their means of sustenance?

The Mapuche is Chilean and entered the sphere of the Argentine pampas in 1820, expelled by the internal wars in Chile.

We are going to leave the answer to Mr. Rodolfo Casamiquela, ethnologist and anthropologist who died in 2008, but not without writing 24 books and 200 monographs on the subject. Casamiquela, born in Jacobacci, considered himself the last man capable of correctly pronouncing the northern Tehuelche language (that is, "pampa") and his verdict was overwhelming: "The Mapuches are Chileans."

Other concepts: "Today only the Mapuche is spoken of. The Tehuelches suppressed themselves or forgot their own history, despite the fact that today there are many descendants, such as the Chagallo, Yanquetruz, Sayhueque, Foyel, Catriel, Chiquichano, Chelqueta, Chingolé, Chalao, Chacamata, Cual. These families are the Tehuelches that remain, that is, the so-called pampas. They were a lineage of enormous potential power, which gradually became Araucanized or Mapuchized based on their language. The Mapuche is Chilean and enters the sphere of the Argentine pampas in 1820, expelled by the internal wars of Chile. Many Chilean Indian chiefs sided with the King of Spain and, in the context of a war to the death, crossed the mountain range to save their lives. Here they were received by some relatives and , little by little, authorized by Brigadier Juan Manuel de Rosas to settle in the provinces of the Río de la Plata.

One wonders if the Tehuelches, a native people of Pampa and Patagonia, were exterminated by the Chilean Araucanians, or by the Argentine military forces, or by someone.

Casamiquela: "The issue is the language. To negotiate with Spanish, the so-called parliaments were held, that is, oratory and diplomacy assemblies where each chief (ulmén) with his little capitains (capitanejos) or little chieftain (caciquillos), and the representatives of the White or huinca (derived from the Incas, who also tried to subdue the Araucanians with little luck) competed in speeches and rhetorical figures to "adjust peace". In this diplomatic field, the Mapuche language was far superior to Tehuelche. Precise, clear, beautiful, simple, rude, Mapudungun is a very valuable language. With it religion penetrates, then the Mapuche predominates over the Tehuelche".



Our conclusion is that the Chilean Mapuches did not annihilate the Argentine Tehuelches; instead, they formed separate federations where Mapuche military leadership consistently held sway. As corroborated by meticulous historical travelers like the Englishman Musters, the Tehuelches were often characterized as "nomads, wanderers, free spirits, and undisciplined."

Professor Casamiquela asserts, "The Mapuche presence in Argentina lacks deep historical roots. They have been here for around a century." In this respect, they are akin to the Italians, Irish, or Croats. Casamiquela further explains, "When Professor Erice, the author of the most comprehensive Mapuche dictionary, arrived in our country, he found no speakers of that language in Viedma. Here in Jacobacci, there were the Linares, descendants of a captive bearing that surname who married the daughter of a Tehuelche chieftain, based near the Juncal lagoon, but they were Tehuelches. Creoles with surnames like Entrage or Castelo also belong to the Tehuelche heritage. In summary, the claims that the Mapuches make today regarding land rights... they simply do not have a historical basis. This is history, not conjecture. Currently, political dynamics are in play. Consequently, Chilean Mapuches declare themselves as Argentines and begin asserting a long-standing presence in our country. Historians are not primarily concerned with this aspect. What a politician or lawyer may argue... that is another matter altogether."



The tall and pensive Tehuelches were subjected to colonization and undoubtedly deceived by both Argentine settlers and Chilean Araucanians. Historically, the name Patagonia conjures images of a land inhabited by men with exceptionally large feet and towering stature.

Casamiquela explains, "The Spaniards, who were of shorter stature, often looked down at the Tehuelches as they stood atop the dunes. In 1896, a Frenchman named Delavaux conducted an excavation along Route 40 in southern Chubut, unearthing a Tehuelche burial site and measuring the skeleton of the interred individual, which reached a height of 1.99 meters. Another excavation, this time in Península Valdez, confirmed individuals reaching a height of two meters. They are indeed the tallest ethnic group in the world."

While they were of considerable stature, the Tehuelches were also known for their vices, free-spirited customs, docility, and kindness. They formed amicable relations with the Welsh settlers in Chubut and, in general, did not cause trouble. They allowed themselves to be influenced first by the Chilean Araucanians and later by the Argentine Republic.

One of the last heroic figures of the Tehuelche or Pampa lineage was undoubtedly Chief Pincén, whose name was remembered as Vicente, Juan, or Francisco Pincén, depending on the region. The surname is correctly pronounced as Pisen, Piseñ, or Pincel, always emphasizing the accent on the "i."



There are four pictures of Pincén. In these images, we see him with his characteristic fluke, colt boots, a short spear, his testicles hanging around his neck, his bare torso, long hair held in place by a headband, and he appears strikingly similar to Alberto Olmedo! He could also bear a resemblance to Don Alberto Rodríguez Saá, though the latter, more robust in build, still possesses the stature and charisma of his Ranquelino forebears.

Some individuals reject Columbus Day because it seems to categorize humanity on the same plane as creatures like golden retrievers or Hereford cows. The truth is, all humans belong to the same species, but there exist significant ethnic variations; a Swede is not the same as a Senegalese.

The tall and introspective Tehuelches were subjected to colonization and, undoubtedly, taken advantage of by Argentine settlers and Chilean Araucanians, who primarily ventured into our pampas to steal cattle and capture fair-haired women. Along the way, unfortunate confrontations with Argentinians, including violent encounters, were inevitable. It was an unfortunate reality.

However, that's a different story. For now, we conclude this humble note with a traditional Patagonian greeting, one that is still used today when travelers cross paths: "Mari-mari." This phrase literally translates to "ten-ten." Wishing you good fortune, and sometimes, to convey a warmer farewell in passing, it is articulated more fully: "Mari-mari peñí." In other words, "Goodbye, brother."

NOTE: The sources for this article come from the website "Los Matuastos- Periodismo" (Sunday September, the 9th 2012) and "Pincén, vida y leyenda" wrote by Juan José Estévez, and published in 2011.

Conquest of the desert: The huge mistake of the General Roca cancellation

General Roca cancellation: A huge historical mistake

By Roberto Ferrero. 


An article for controversy. Roberto Ferrero, another historical exponent of the Socialism of the National Left, presents us in this article with the vision and political position that the SIN historically had before Roquism. Pure historical materialism to defend national unification and lay the institutional foundations for the configuration of the country as we know it today. The death of no one is justified, the causes of the need to unify Patagonia to the National State against the imperialist threat coming from Chile are exposed.

Let's place these matters on the agenda, engage in open discussions, and use the resulting conclusions as a foundation for the ongoing reconstruction of our esteemed Latin American Nation. Such is the essence of this message.

Marcos D. Vega - 

Author: Roberto A. Ferrero, Former President of the Junta Provincial de Historia of Córdoba 

To my considerable surprise, I recently learned about the endeavor to remove General Julio A. Roca's name from the boulevard bearing his name in our city. I believe this decision is a significant error, possibly driven by a well-intentioned and compassionate concern for the plight of our indigenous populations. However, I find that the primary arguments in favor of this change lack substantial support.

These arguments, championed by the Argentine-German author Osvaldo Bayer – who openly advocates for Patagonia's separation from the rest of our country to establish an independent nation – essentially rest on two points. Both of these points, however, are as ahistorical and contextually flawed as each other. The more assertive of the two seeks to label General Roca as a "genocidal figure." Nevertheless, I consider this claim to be both semantically and politically frivolous. What is genocide, after all? It is the intentional extermination of an ethnic or social group solely because of their identity, typically perpetrated against people who are defenseless. For instance, the Turks brutally killed one and a half million Armenians, but they didn't harm any of their own. That is a true instance of genocide. Similarly, the Nazis annihilated six million Jews without persecuting or killing a single German. This, too, constitutes genocide.

But the case of Roca and the Conquest of the Desert is totally different. It was not a genocide, but the culmination of a very long war, in which the indigenous had, between 1820 and 1882 -according to the detailed inventory of the indigenous historian Martínez Zarazola- 7,598 casualties, but at the same time caused the death of 3,200 Creole (fortineros or fort soldiers), small owners, travelers, landowners, women, authorities, children...) In the so-called "Great Invasion" of Calfucurá in the province of Buenos Aires at the end of 1875, only in Azul the malón (Indian raid) murdered 400 residents, captivated 500 and seized 300,000 animals that, as always, were sold in Chile with juicy profits. (By the way: the chieftain Casimiro Catriel lived in Azul, used a carriage and had an open account in the city's bank...) Was Azul's then a Creole genocide caused by the Indians? By no means: it was a stage of this protracted and cruel war. Those who fought against Roca were not unfortunate Indians like those who now suffer unjustly on the banks of the Pilcomayo or in the suburbs of Rosario to which they have emigrated, compatriots who must be helped and integrated into their diversity.

They were soldiers representing a quasi-indigenous state that competed with and challenged the national government while practicing slavery on both captive whites and Indians purchased in Chile. Reflecting on Mariano Bejarano's 1872 official visit, sent by the national government to Chief Sayhueque, leader of the "Country of Apples" (today Neuquén), the indigenous writer Curruhuinca-Roux remarked, "Bejarano's visit was an official encounter between government envoys of two separate entities. The raids were not merely defensive tactics against 'invading' whites but were actual expeditions aimed at capturing loot, akin to terrestrial Vikings – part pirates, part merchants. This plunder was later traded in Chile, whose authorities supported these raids to weaken the Argentine government and gain control of Patagonia. We must avoid simplifying history into a Manichaean and naive narrative. The true story is far more intricate than the childlike portrayal of heroes and villains, victims and oppressors. While there's much more to be said about this historically inaccurate first argument, it suffices for now.

The second argument posits that the original indigenous peoples were dispossessed of lands in the Pampean plain and vast Patagonian regions, but this assertion is far from accurate. Concerning the origin of the indigenous tribes inhabiting our pampas – mostly variants or offshoots of the Araucanian people – only an utter lack of knowledge about our country's history and that of Chile can account for such an error. In fact, these trans-Andean tribes cannot be considered "original" since they only began migrating from beyond the Andes into our country in the early 18th century.

In comparison, the natives of this land were more 'original' because the resilient pioneers of the frontier and Creole soldiers, officers, and leaders of the Conquest of the Desert – with the exception of individuals like Fotheringham (English) and Nicolas Levalle (Italian) – held no less valid claims to these lands than the Ranqueles, Pampas, or Manzaneros. Their ancestors inhabited these lands at the same or even earlier times. Regarding the designation of "landowners" asserted by indigenous tribes and their modern advocates, it must be acknowledged but with one important caveat: the incredibly fertile and expansive pampa belonged to all Argentines, whether Creole or indigenous, native or descendants of immigrants, those who already occupied it and those who awaited their turn in the ports to populate it.

Calfucurá, Namuncurá, Catriel, Baigorrita, Pincén, Mariano Rosas and other Indian leaders could not keep what was common heritage for themselves. Like the dog in the manger who, according to the popular Spanish saying, "does not eat or let eat", so those fearsome inhabitants of the Argentine plain did not make it produce nor let others do it. This refusal, placed like a wall against the impetuous growth of the productive forces, could not and did not last. The historical necessity that, as Hegel unfortunately says "always advances from its bad side", and that carried in its bosom the agricultural progress of the nation, had condemned it.

For the rest, Roca's defense in relation to the Conquest of the Desert cannot make us forget the other great contributions that he and the "Generation of 80" made to the construction of this Modern Argentina, today so devastated: the nationalization of Buenos Aires and its unique Port, the establishment of secular institutions, secular education, mass immigration and agrarian colonization.

These achievements make him more than worthy of national gratitude and, therefore, the nomination of a street, which is one of the ways in which towns usually remember their benefactors. The fact that this Generation has quickly turned into an Oligarchy and that the speculators and large merchants and landowners have later monopolized the areas recovered for work and production, is a different sub-stage of Argentine development, which cannot overshadow the management of those like Roca and his friends strove to finally give us a unified country.

If the enemies of genocide are looking for a culprit, it is better that they study the biographies of Miter and Sarmiento, who preached and carried out a true social catastrophe against the native Creole lineage. Why nobody refers to this genocide, which really was? Or did not the "civilizer" Sarmiento advise Miter "not to hesitate to shed the blood of gauchos, which is the only thing that is human about them"? I am not proposing that the name of Sarmiento street be changed to Coliqueo, but I do believe that, without removing General Roca from the boulevard that honors his name, the homage desired by the indigenistas could be paid on another street in the city.

In the end, both of them, whether we like it or not, are part of national history, if we want to understand it in its integral unity and not as a fight between good guys and bad guys, who knock each other out of their heads. pedestals like in the tournaments of the Middle Ages, dark ages by the way. This is not a time for denigration, but for integration, not for balkanization, but for Latin American unity. Anything that goes against this perspective can only play the game of the foreign enemy that stalks us and intends to take advantage of our confrontations and our artificial anger.

Roberto Ferrero 

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