Revolución Libertadora: Doubts and Fears Seal the Dictator's Fate

Perón Hesitates



Perón, Surrounded by His Ministers, Listens to the Report from General Arnaldo Sosa Molina (Ilustración: Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, La Revolución del 55, Tomo I)

A striking aspect throughout the conflict was Perón's peculiar behavior. His reticence and silence puzzled many, as he delegated full command to General Lucero. “Both supporters and opponents were baffled by his passivity, while battles that would determine the Nation's future—and his own—raged fiercely by air, sea, and land,” remarked one historian.

The man who once led Latin America’s most transformative social revolution, challenged the United States and the Allied powers after World War II, and attempted to create a "Fourth Reich" in Argentina by bringing Axis scientists and war criminals to the country, now seemed hesitant and devoid of initiative. His fiery rhetoric of the past still resonated, chilling citizens with its violent tone: "You ask me to fight? Why don’t you start yourselves?" (May 1, 1953), "The day hanging begins, I’ll stand with those doing the hanging!" (August 2, 1946), "They’ll have to kill me fighting!" (August 13, 1946), "We’ll raise gallows across the nation to hang the opposition!" (September 11, 1947), "We’ll distribute baling wire to hang our enemies!" (August 31, 1947), and his infamous declaration, "For every one of us, five of them will fall!" Yet, now, the man who had once uttered these words with conviction appeared paralyzed.

This mysterious inaction, paired with his silence since the hostilities began, began to irritate even his closest allies. Major Carlos Aloé, Governor of Buenos Aires Province, could not understand why Perón remained in his heavily guarded residence, avoiding both military command and leveraging his powerful influence over the Armed Forces and the public.

General Raúl Tassi, head of the National Defense School, observed Perón’s behavior during a meeting at the underground bunker of the Ministry of the Army, where the Communications Center of the Repression Command was based. The meeting, convened by General Lucero, brought together senior military leaders to monitor the ongoing conflict. Perón arrived accompanied by generals and colonels, visibly distressed and, by all accounts, frightened. His demeanor worsened upon learning that the Cuyo Army had also joined the uprising. At that moment, whatever composure he had left completely absent.

At the headquarters of the 1st Army Division in Palermo, General Ernesto Fatigatti requested authorization from Perón to lead the 1st and 2nd Infantry Regiments (then in reserve) in a march on Córdoba to crush the revolution by midday on September 21. However, Perón—once renowned for his oratory skills, his ability to captivate and inflame the masses—offered no response. Instead, he nervously smoked, drank coffee, and remained silent.

Years later, Perón’s nephew and aide-de-camp, Major Ignacio Cialcetta, revealed that the dictator “did nothing.” He left all decisions to Lucero and, while not entirely defeated in spirit, seemed detached. Perón reportedly spent two nights hiding in a house in Belgrano and, according to other accounts, in the nuclear bunker he had built beneath the Alas building—a claim without concrete evidence, though rumors also suggested he used it during the June 16 bombings.

Despite having capable and loyal generals—Lucero, Fatigatti, Iñíguez, and Sosa Molina—Perón failed to act. His attitude infuriated Interior Minister Dr. Oscar Albrieu, who met with him at the Government House in the early hours of September 19. Albrieu urged Perón to take charge of the repression, arguing that the situation was deteriorating. Yet, the president remained inert. Ruiz Moreno captures their exchange in his work, highlighting Perón’s indecision at a critical juncture:

-"General, don’t lose focus. Let’s return to the Ministry of the Army. Things there are not being handled properly."

-"And what do you want me to do?" Perón replied.

-"General, I believe you should assume command of the Repression Forces and announce on the radio that you will personally take command in Córdoba. I’m certain that would put an end to all of this.".

These words displeased Perón, who responded badly.

-You don't know the generals. I think they are handling things well. Besides, I don't like the fact that they kill the little soldiers. I prefer things to stay that way.

So it was Albrieu who expressed his annoyance.

-General, we are at war! I would even be justified in saying that the non-commissioned officer who kills a rebellious officer will take his place in the ranks...! I will take any measure to defend a constitutional government!

Despite the gravity in Albrieu’s tone, Perón did not react, effectively ending the conversation on the spot.

Meanwhile, General Lucero worked tirelessly, determined to crush the uprising as swiftly as possible. On the 18th, one of his first actions was to reinforce the units engaged in repression by calling up the 1931, 1932, and 1933 conscript classes in the First and Second Military Regions under the command of Lieutenant General Emilio Forcher. This measure bolstered key units, including the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Infantry Regiments, the 2nd Artillery Regiment, the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers, and the Motorized Regiment "Buenos Aires." Together with the security companies tasked with guarding arsenals, military factories, and depots, these reinforcements brought troop numbers to 18,000, not counting an additional 1,200 volunteers.

By Monday, the 19th, Perón arrived at the Ministry of the Army before 6:00 AM, accompanied by Governor Aloé. In Lucero’s office, Generals José Domingo Molina, Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and Carlos Wirth, Chief of Staff, informed him that the situation on the front was favorable and that the rebellion’s suppression was only a matter of hours. However, the leaders of the repression failed to recognize a critical error: by not ordering a final offensive with the requisite force, they allowed the revolutionaries to regroup. Hoping to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, they opted instead to pressure the rebel forces with sheer numbers, aiming to convince them of the futility of resistance. This half-measure was a serious misstep, as the revolutionary forces were resolute and prepared to fight with unrelenting ferocity, as demonstrated by General Lonardi’s fiery speech on September 16.

Perón had every advantage. His forces surrounded Córdoba and Bahía Blanca, the Cuyo troops were wavering, and no other garrison had declared against him. The Fleet posed the only significant threat, but the Air Force and Naval Aviation were expected to neutralize it.

Given these circumstances, the Peronist high command began to feel confident, even euphoric. However, in the middle of the meeting, Perón abruptly called for silence and requested to be left alone with Lucero and Aloé.

Confused but compliant, the senior officers exited the room, waiting in the antechamber in a mix of anticipation and uncertainty. As the door closed behind them, they had no idea that the final chapter of the crisis was about to unfold.

Once alone, Perón announced that he had decided to resign.

-We already know that these barbarians will have no scruples about doing so (he was referring to bombing the cities of La Plata and Buenos Aires). It is necessary to avoid massacre and destruction. I do not wish to be a factor in such savagery being unleashed on the innocent city, and on the works that we have worked so hard to build. To feel this, it is necessary to know how to build. Parasites hardly love the work of others.

Lucero and Aloe were speechless, astonished and confused. They remained like that for a few moments until Lucero broke the silence to express that he was in solidarity with his boss and that, consequently, he would also resign. However, he immediately seemed to react and, trying to convince Perón, he expressed his opinion, proposing the creation of an operations force under the direct orders of the president based on the First Army Division, declaring at the same time Buenos Aires an open city, defended by elements of the General Maritime Prefecture, the National Gendarmerie, the Federal Police and the Armed Forces (the latter in small numbers), all of them supported by Peronist militiamen. However, his words were of no use. Under the pretext of avoiding a useless shedding of blood and the destruction of what he considered his “masterpiece”: the oil installations in La Plata, Perón repeated that he had decided to leave power. Lucero insisted again, explaining that the rebellion was practically under control and that it was only a matter of hours before both Córdoba and Bahía Blanca fell (he knew perfectly well that the Army of Cuyo did not constitute any threat). But even so, Perón maintained his position and withdrew, ordering a meeting of generals for that same afternoon.



Two hours later, the still-President of the Nation sent Lucero a handwritten note addressed to the Army and the People. In it, he announced his resignation and declared that he was leaving everything in the hands of the Army, the only entity he deemed capable of taking control of the situation and achieving the much-desired pacification of the country.

With the note in hand, Lucero summoned Vice President Rear Admiral Alberto Teissaire, Minister of the Interior Dr. Carlos Albrieu, and CGT Secretary General Héctor Di Pietro to his office. After informing them of its contents, he opened the floor for their comments. Di Pietro stated that if this was the general's will, the workers would comply, as they had always followed Perón's wishes. Expressing solidarity with his leader, Lucero immediately drafted his irrevocable resignation and then summoned General José Domingo Molina, entrusting him with organizing a Junta of Generals to take charge of governance and peace negotiations.

At 12:55 PM, Radio del Estado, broadcasting nationwide, issued a message that shocked both the revolutionary leaders and the broader population. General Lucero invited the rebel commanders to the Ministry of the Army to begin discussions aimed at pacifying the country and finding a resolution.

This announcement stunned General José María Sosa Molina, commander of repression in Córdoba, who could hardly believe what he was hearing. His astonishment was so great that he initially thought it was a tactic to confuse loyalist forces. “With victory practically in his grasp, Perón walked away,” Sosa Molina would later recall. “...With the battle nearly won, my commanders informed me they had heard the ceasefire order on the radio. I couldn’t believe it. We had everything in our hands, and now we were being told to hold our positions.” It wasn’t until he heard the resignations confirmed on the radio later in the afternoon that he accepted the situation.

A similar reaction came from the resolute General Iñíguez, who was leading his forces in a rapid advance toward central Córdoba. As his troops pressed forward, a messenger rushed to his position with an order to halt the attack and news that a junta of generals had assumed control. When Iñíguez learned that government forces were to cease all hostilities, hold their positions, and await further instructions, he was left dumbfounded.

At 2:27 PM, General Lucero's message, broadcast on Radio del Estado, was answered by Admiral Rojas aboard the La Argentina. Rojas announced that military operations would be suspended until midnight on September 19 and that the requested meeting would take place aboard his ship, anchored at the mouth of the Río de la Plata, rather than at the Ministry of the Army, as Lucero had suggested. Meanwhile, from Córdoba, Lonardi issued a statement signed as the leader of the "Revolución Libertadora," demanding the immediate resignation of the President and his entire cabinet. Distrustful of Perón, Lonardi took precautionary measures to ensure the revolution's success.

Notes

1. Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, op. cit, Cap. 9, Tomo II.
2. Ídem, p. 315, Tomo II.
3. It was the first time ever to use this designation.

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolución Libertadora y la Caída de Perón

1955 Revolution: Peronist Mobs Burn Catholic Temples

View of the High Altar of San Francisco

The Temples Burn

Original source: 1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón



On the night of June 16-17, 1955, Peronist mobs assaulted and set fire to the historic temples of Buenos Aires in retaliation for the aerial bombardment


The terrible violence unleashed that day did not stop after the fighting. The reader will remember that around half past four in the afternoon, bands of exalted Peronists rushed into the Metropolitan Curia to sack and burn it, a fact that General Ernesto Fatigatti witnessed when he passed through the place, in the heat of the fight.

The mob destroyed objects of enormous artistic and cultural value and, along with them, the Historical Archive, with its old documents from the 16th, 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, "a unique and irreplaceable treasure", in the words of Isidoro Ruiz Moreno.



A woman cries before the desolation in San Francisco (Courtesy Fundación Villa Manuelita)


On that chaotic day, invaluable pieces of art and historical artifacts belonging to the city of Buenos Aires were tragically lost forever. The chaos ensued when the Curia building caught fire, and in the midst of the turmoil, a mob appeared, carrying off sacred objects, precious artistic vestments, ancient chalices, ciboriums, monstrances, patens, habits, and cassocks. These individuals then proceeded towards the main temples of the city with the clear intent of vandalizing them.

Two groups marched towards the convents of Santo Domingo and Nuestra Señora de la Merced. At Santo Domingo, the religious witnessed the arrival of agitators in trucks who, upon passing the temple, displayed aggressive gestures and shouted curses against the Church. In fear of an imminent attack, the friars and seminarians hurried to secure the doors and windows, but due to the escalating situation, they eventually had to evacuate under the guidance of their prior, Fray Luis Alberto Montes de Oca, who was deeply concerned for their safety. Despite the difficulties in communication caused by the cut telephone lines, Fray Luis chose to remain at the convent as its custodian.



Another vandalized altar in San Francisco

At 5:30 p.m., a frenzied crowd surged toward the gates blocking the atrium's access, while some individuals attempted to enter through the windows on Calle Defensa by breaking the bars. The devoted religious had no option but to hastily disguise themselves in civilian attire and escape through a small door in the 5 de Julio passage, blending in with the chaotic mob.

The historical temple, which held the tomb of General Manuel Belgrano and other iconic figures from the country's history, suffered merciless destruction and burning. This sacred place held invaluable cultural treasures, including the banners captured from royalists during battles in Salta and Tucumán, as well as from the British during the invasions of 1806 and 1807, along with precious artworks, images, and religious artifacts. Despite Fray Luis's attempt to seek help from the 2nd Police Station, the authorities responsible for maintaining public order did nothing to contain the savagery.

Two blocks away, at the corner of Defensa and Alsina, the San Francisco church and the adjoining chapel of San Roque also caught fire. This was the place where General Lavalle had been appointed governor of Buenos Aires in 1828.

Inside the convent's oratory, Fray Cecilio Heredia, along with fifteen other religious, was offering prayers of gratitude for Perón's call for calm when a deafening commotion from outside startled them. The terrifying noise of the mob invading the temple grounds and the sight of the friars fleeing through a side door in civilian clothes shook the cloisters. Fray Cecilio managed to escape but remained nearby, deeply saddened to witness the convent and church consumed by flames.

Just a short distance away, a similar scene unfolded at the church of San Ignacio, the oldest building in the city, connected to the historic Colegio Nacional (formerly known as Colegio Real de San Carlos, the birthplace of heroes). The enraged mob, armed with heavy objects, violently assaulted the grand doors and hurled insults at the religious and the Church as a whole.



This is how the ceilings of the Curia chapel appeared after the incident:

Father Alberto Lattuada, the parish priest, was engrossed in reading in his room when the sound of screams reached his ears. He rushed to the staircase and witnessed the crowd breaking through the porticoes, storming inside with shouts and raised clubs. The Jesuit bravely confronted them, raising his arms in a plea for calm and reason, urging them not to carry out an attack they would regret.

As Father Alberto attempted to restrain the vandals, he felt someone forcefully grabbing his arm and dragging him away. It was a young blond boy who shook him violently, forcing him outside amidst blows and insults. The boy threatened him with lynching if he dared to stay in the vicinity.

Outside, Father Alberto spotted two Army trucks filled with soldiers parked near the church. Desperate for help, he ran towards them, only to receive a disheartening response that left him paralyzed. "We cannot intervene. Seek out the officer in charge," they said.

Deeply disturbed, the parish priest helplessly witnessed the ruffians removing sacred images and objects from the temple and throwing them onto the street while the flames started to engulf the interior. Nearby, Lieutenant priest Guillermo Sáenz observed the scene with a heavy heart. The old convent, which held the tomb of Juan José Castelli and was once the grand "Jesuit empire of the Missions," as described by Leopoldo Lugones, began to crumble under the onslaught.

When the initial acts of violence unfolded, Perón and his associates were gathered at the Ministry of the Army. From there, they saw the smoke and the glow of the first bonfires, realizing the catastrophe unfolding in the city center. The Justicialist leader, seated at a table, stood up and exclaimed indignantly:

-Take action immediately because these are communist gangs that are burning the churches, and then they are going to attribute it to me!

The president had barely finished speaking when Lucero urgently called General José Embrioni to inform him about the need to take immediate measures to protect the historical temples and threatened buildings. Embrioni contacted the police chief, who, remembering Minister Borlenghi's directive to keep the force stationed against potential attacks from revolutionary civilian commandos, decided to remain in place and take no action. He firmly believed that the Army would handle the situation.

Perón made a mistake by attributing responsibility to the communists because the attackers of the churches were actually his own supporters, driven by the fury and hatred he himself had incited.

At 6:30 p.m., the fire crews finally left their barracks and rushed to extinguish the fires. Upon arriving at Santo Domingo, Fire Commissioner Rómulo Pérez Algaba witnessed the burning of the Santeria and the altars, fueled by benches set on fire by the protesters.

Pérez Algaba also noticed an overturned tanker truck from which people were taking gasoline to add to the flames. He witnessed thugs smashing sacred images and objects on the pavement, stealing piggy banks, and desecrating ballot boxes containing relics of the heroes. Despite his attempts to communicate with his superiors, the vandals prevented him from doing so.

As he was on site, four individuals dressed in raincoats approached Pérez Algaba and warned him that flags captured from the English and Spanish were inside the temple, and four men were trapped in the library. They urged him to act swiftly to rescue them. Pérez Algaba responded firmly:

-Just as they came in let them come out. As for the flags... that's another thing.

The officer, accompanied by several firemen, ventured into the ruins, their path illuminated by a flashlight. Fortunately, they reached the site just in time to rescue the trophies and safeguard them. The glass covering had miraculously kept the trophies intact, protecting them from destruction. They swiftly retrieved the items and withdrew, narrowly escaping a collapsing column that would have obliterated everything.

During the rescue, Pérez Algaba and two of his men sustained injuries. These courageous individuals deserve the gratitude of posterity for safeguarding these invaluable pieces of our history.

Pérez Algaba and his team members were evacuated, but the four looters, equipped with chandeliers, remained inside. They broke the bars on the windows and daringly jumped from the first floor at the corner of Venezuela and Defensa.

Meanwhile, San Francisco was engulfed in flames on all sides. The firefighters had to engage in hand-to-hand combat with the protesters to halt the destruction. It was a spectacle to behold as burning pieces of wood detached from the central dome, plummeting onto the streets and sidewalks.

At Nuestra Señora de la Merced, the mob attacked and set fire to the left side of the temple. The flames spread to the sacristy, and thick smoke filled the central nave. In contrast, Nuestra Señora de la Piedad was also targeted, but the spilled kerosene did not ignite, thanks to the intervention of neighbors and law enforcement officers who managed to neutralize the threat. Nevertheless, the looting had devastating consequences, and things could have been much worse if the firefighters hadn't arrived in time to extinguish the fire that the protesters had started in the library for the blind on the mezzanine.



A different perspective of the High Altar at the Basilica of San Francisco is shown.

San Miguel endured minimal damage in the central nave, but the sacristy and rectory were ablaze when a team led by Commissioner Severo Toranzo arrived and thwarted a second attack.

Similarly, San Nicolás de Bari, situated on Santa Fe Avenue, suffered destruction as looters set the church on fire and threw valuable artistic and religious objects from the second-floor balconies. The attackers had to escape through side exits to avoid being trapped. It's worth noting that the church was originally founded in 1733 by the Spanish Domingo de Acassuso at its original location on 9 de Julio and Av. Corrientes, where the obelisk now stands [2].

The most severe damage occurred at Nuestra Señora de las Victorias, located on Paraguay and Libertad. The mob started a small fire and ransacked everything within reach. Both the parish office and the sacristy were in flames when a member of the parish movement named Marcó Bonorino and an unidentified lady attempted to douse the fire using water from vases. Another individual, named Cullen, alerted the police that several individuals had entered the priestly rooms, overturned a kerosene stove to start a fire, and stolen the collection money stored there.



The destruction at the Belgranian Institute was heartbreaking.

When the violence reached its peak, the parish priest, RP Jacobo Wagner, bravely attempted to intervene and stop the criminals. However, the attack he endured was so brutal that he was left unconscious on the ground. He remained in a prostrate state for forty-five days before tragically succumbing to the injuries inflicted on him.

Other Peronist groups targeted various churches, including San Juan Bautista located in Piedras y Alsina, where the fifth viceroy of the Río de la Plata, Don Pedro Melo of Portugal and Villena, is buried. Our Lady of Mercy and Our Lady of Help, the latter being associated with the drama of Camila O'Gorman [3], also suffered a similar fate.

Militants from the Basic Unit situated on Av. Corrientes and Jorge Newbery attempted to set fire to the church located on Osorio and Warnes. However, they were apprehended in time and detained for further investigation at Section 29.

That day, a devastating wave of destruction engulfed several other important temples including the Metropolitan Curia, Nuestra Señora de la Merced, San Ignacio, San Francisco, San Roque, Santo Domingo, San Juan Bautista, San Nicolás de Bari, Nuestra Señora de las Victorias, San Miguel Arcángel, Nuestra Señora del Socorro, and La Piedad. The fires reddened the low clouds that covered the Buenos Aires night, as described by Ruiz Moreno. But it wasn't only churches that were attacked; other institutions like the Belgraniano Institute, the Brotherhood of Nuestra Señora del Rosario, the Reconquest and Defense Commission, and the Pious Union of Blessed Martín de Porres, adjacent to Santo Domingo, also suffered destruction and fire.

Disturbing images circulated globally, showing the vandals wreaking havoc in the temples and parading around at night wearing stolen priestly garments and holding stolen objects. These actions brought shame to the Argentine people and tarnished their tradition. In a matter of hours, the country lost invaluable treasures of its artistic, historical, and religious heritage.

Miguel Ángel Cavallo offers a description of the events in Bahía Blanca on the night of June 16. Following the failure of the uprising, groups of workers assembled in front of the regional CGT building to hear their leaders' speeches and then marched in columns to the main square, armed with sticks, chains, and stones, prepared to attack the Cathedral. Once inside the city's main temple, they forced open its large doors and proceeded to destroy altars, images, and internal rooms. They even toppled the Carrara marble baptismal font and set parts of the interior on fire. Similar to the events in Buenos Aires, the mob donned clerical clothing, singing and dancing in the streets while chanting obscene and insulting verses.


A parishioner seeking solace in prayer (Courtesy Fundación Villa Manuelita)

Subsequently, the protesters rushed to the Corazón de María church and then to Nuestra Señora de Lourdes, causing similar damage. They continued their rampage by attacking the newsroom of the newspaper "Democracia," a courageous opposition publication led by Luis E. Vera. They wreaked havoc on their offices, destroying furniture, machinery, and facilities, before igniting another fire.

The vandals concluded their destructive spree at the headquarters of the Radical Civic Union, which they also set ablaze. Afterward, they retreated through the streets, singing chants in support of their leader. Surprisingly, neither the firefighters nor the police intervened, and there was no official acknowledgment of the events the following day. The newspaper "Democracia" was shut down, its owner detained and held incommunicado, along with the priests from the churches and religious schools of the city, who were transferred by trucks to the headquarters of the 5th Infantry Regiment [4].

Isidoro Ruiz Moreno provides an approximate estimate of the losses incurred on that fateful day. Commissioner Rafael Pugliese, head of the 2nd Section, discovered the urn containing the remains of General Zapiola lying behind the mausoleum of General Belgrano at the Santo Domingo convent. The urn had been forcefully removed from the Virgin's dressing room.



Anguish and despair gripped the porteños as they endured fateful hours. Their city was first bombed, and immediately after, their historical, cultural, and religious heritage was devastated, as described by the Courtesy Fundación Villa Manuelita.

In the atrium, antique furniture, some of which had been lent by the convent for the Cabildo Abierto meeting on May 22, 1810, was set ablaze. The main altar and two other sides of the church were consumed by the fire, while several others suffered severe damage.

Nearly all the precious images were removed from their rightful places, either thrown to the ground or set on fire. Crystals and stained glass windows were shattered with stones, and the colonial furniture and historical organ in the choir were consumed by the flames. The Venetian majolica of the vaults was destroyed, and the dressing room of the Virgen del Rosario, where the banners seized from the English in 1806 and 1807, and those captured by General Belgrano from the Spaniards during the campaigns of the North, was demolished. Numerous trophies displayed in the side wall showcases vanished.

The sacristy suffered the same fate, reduced to ashes, with its cabinets set on fire, and the two Carrara marble baptismal fonts smashed into pieces. Internal halls and a minor chapel in the eastern sector were also burned. The priests' rooms were ransacked, their furniture destroyed, and the prior's room was set on fire.

San Ignacio's altars were ruthlessly destroyed, with wood torn from them, and others caught fire, along with smashed furniture. The vandals even set fire to the church's library and the parish priest's room, demolishing the crockery, sideboards, and a grand mirror with a console.

In the chapel of San Roque, the altars were set ablaze, and the linings of the vaults and richly decorated side walls crumbled to pieces. The main images were also destroyed. Nearby, San Francisco faced a similar tragic fate, with all its ancient and artistic altars, including the largest one, lost to the flames. The dome collapsed, leaving only its metal skeleton standing, and precious stained glass windows fell into pieces. The fire devoured extremely valuable paintings and furniture from the 18th and 19th centuries. The presbytery, sacristy, carvings, images, and sacred objects were thrown viciously about, and rooms and dependencies of the convent were engulfed in flames. Priceless chalices, candelabras, monstrances, crucifixes, and other valuables were stolen, many of them made of silver and solid gold, adorned with precious gemstones. Among the ruins, the great 1.50-meter tabernacle stood out, tossed amidst rubble and the remains of charred objects.

In one night, Buenos Aires lost four centuries of history, leaving the city in mourning over its irreplaceable heritage.


Dome and roofs of the ruined Cathedral


Looters attack the Tabernacle in the Cathedral

Absorbed faithful observe the destruction in the Curia

Library and Archive of the Curia destroyed by fire


The great dome of San Francisco victim of the flames

The altar of San Francisco desecrated

The people of Buenos Aires observe in disbelief the desecration of their temples, in this case San Francisco


More destruction in San Francisco


State in which the ceilings of San Francisco were left

Vandalized benches and imagery in San Francisco

San Francisco side altar

San Francisco. Access to the convent


High Altar of San Francisco


Side altar of the Basilica Nuestra Señora del Rosario (Convent of Santo Domingo)


Convent of Santo Domingo. Side view of the High Altar


Ruins and rubble in the church of San Ignacio


Saint Joseph beheaded in San Ignacio


Monsignor D'Andrea's room in San Miguel Archangel burned down

San Miguel Arcangel. Another image of the state in which Monsignor D'Andrea's room was left


Ruins in the Church of San Juan Bautista, tomb of Viceroy Pedro Melo of Portugal and Villena

Notes

1. Antonio González Balcarce, Martín de Alzaga, Juan de Lezica y Torrezuri and the general José María Zapiola.
2. Miguel Ángel Cavallo, Puerto Belgrano, Hora 0. La Marina se subleva, Cap. III “El 16 de junio en Bahía Blanca”.
3. Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, op. Cit., Tomo I, Tercera Parte, Cap XI, “La cruz en la hoguera”.
4. Between 1935 and 1936 it was moved to its current location and it houses the marble font in which Bernardino Rivadavia, Bartolomé Miter and San Héctor Valdivielso Sáez, the first Argentine saint, were baptized, as well as pieces of sacred art of inestimable value, something that the scoundrel was completely unaware.
5. In a niche of the latter lie the remains of Santa Constancia Martyr, victim of the persecutions of Nero, sent from Rome when it was elevated to a basilica.

1955 Revolution: The Prelude

Liberating Revolution: The Beginnings

Liberating Revolution: The prolegomena

Origina source: 1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón

The ruling party in Argentina had created a climate of violence since coming to power. In 1951, before the upcoming elections on November 11, a group of high-ranking military leaders led by General Benjamín Menéndez began a secret plot to overthrow Perón. However, as the plot dragged on, some of the conspirators began to grow impatient.

The conspirators included Generals Eduardo Lonardi, Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, and Eneas Colombo; Colonels Juan Carlos Lorio and Arturo Ossorio Arana; and Lieutenant Colonels Bernardino Labayru, Luis Leguizamón Martínez, and Emilio Bonnecarrere.

The appointment of General Aramburu as military attaché to the Argentine embassy in Brazil caused some anxiety among the conspirators, who believed that the authorities had become aware of their plans. As a result, events began to unfold quickly.

  


General Menéndez, who was retired at the time, decided to act immediately. He synchronized his movements with his counterparts in the Navy and Air Force, and at dawn on September 28, he appeared dressed in his combat uniform at the Campo de Mayo Cavalry School. He contacted the captains and lieutenants who followed him, including Julio Alsogaray and Alejandro Agustín Lanusse, and told them to gather at the 8th Cavalry Regiment. Their mission was to take over the unit.

The rebels took control of the regiment and boarded the armored vehicles. They positioned the vehicles in front of the Officers' Casino and opened fire. Corporal Miguel Farina, a member of the government forces, was killed in the shooting, and Captain Rómulo Félix Menéndez, the son of the rebel leader, was wounded.

At 7:25 AM, Colonel Dalmiro Videla Balaguer, the director of the Military Lyceum, called his superiors to warn them that there was irregular activity taking place at the nearby regiment. In response, General Franklin Lucero, the Minister of the Army, took a series of urgent measures to neutralize the movement.



In front of the Jockey Club on Florida street

Menéndez led a convoy consisting of three tanks, five half-tracks, and several trucks carrying troops. They departed from Campo de Mayo towards the El Palomar Air Base, which had been taken over by Brigadiers Guillermo Zinny and Samuel Guaycochea at that time.

Simultaneously, from Villa Reynolds in San Luis province, fighter planes of the V Air Brigade, under the command of Vice Commodore Jorge Rojas Silveyra, took off to attack the rebel forces in Buenos Aires. The Punta Indio Naval Air Base was already in the hands of Navy Captain Vicente Baroja, who embarked on an AT-6 single-seater aircraft with Lieutenant Commander Siro de Martini, aiming to prevent Perón from fleeing the capital.

Upon arriving in Buenos Aires, Baroja engaged in a brief skirmish, suspecting that the president might be aboard a De Havilland Dove transport plane that was taxiing on the main runway with apparent intentions to escape. Baroja attempted to drop two 50-kilogram bombs at the aircraft, but it managed to evade the attack skillfully piloted by Commodore Luis A. Lapuente, who then flew at low altitude through the buildings of Barrio Norte and headed southwest.

During this time, access to the Federal Capital was blocked with trucks, buses, and barricades, while the Army established surveillance posts across the city. Menéndez realized that the units intended to join the uprising had not acted, leading him to understand that the coup had failed. Despite his determination to continue towards Buenos Aires to confront Perón or meet his fate, his column had to stop in San Isidro due to a lack of fuel. With no other option, Menéndez surrendered to the authorities, knowing he could face execution. The revolution had failed.

As news spread, many of the plotters attempted to escape to Uruguay aboard an Air Force transport from El Palomar, followed by Baroja and De Martín in their respective planes. This marked the end of the first uprising against the Peronist regime, a failed prelude to the events that would unfold four years later.

The next day, President Perón, in a fiery speech delivered before an enthusiastic crowd from the balconies of the Government House, declared a state of internal war throughout the Nation and threatened to execute the rebel leaders. Ultimately, he did not carry out the threat.

Gen. Benjamin Menendez

Benjamín Menéndez, a courageous cavalry general recently graduated from the Military College, played an active role in the conquest of Chaco but was later detained, along with his followers, at the Tierra del Fuego prison. Some versions suggest that Eva Perón repeatedly urged her husband to use force against the rebels, but he considered it imprudent and rejected her request.

Tragically, the violence did not end there. On April 15, 1953, during another passionate speech by Perón in Plaza de Mayo, three high-powered devices exploded, resulting in the deaths of six demonstrators and injuries to ninety-three others. The gravity of these events spurred the President to further incite the crowd, leading enraged mobs to attack the headquarters of opposition parties across the city.

On that fateful day, the Casa del Pueblo, a stronghold of the Socialist Party on Rivadavia Avenue, was set on fire, as was the Radical House on Tucumán Street and the headquarters of the Democratic (Conservative) Party at Rodríguez Peña 525. Additionally, the prestigious Jockey Club building on Florida Street succumbed to the flames and burned for two days.

Amidst the chaos, numerous works of art and historical artifacts were lost forever. The library of the Casa del Pueblo, which included collections donated by Juan B. Justo himself, vanished in the blaze, along with historical objects from the National Democratic Party and the treasures of the Jockey Club. Among the lost treasures were the renowned Diana Cazadora sculpture by Falgueriés, acquired exclusively for the club by Aristóbulo del Valle, various valuable paintings, including one of its founder Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, and part of its extensive library, considered one of the most complete in Buenos Aires.

Despite the destruction, firefighters made little effort to extinguish the fires, only prioritizing the protection of neighboring buildings. Similarly, the police took no action, allowing the vandals to act with impunity and destroy everything in their path. The tragic events of that day left an indelible mark on Argentine history.

The next day, Dr. Manuel V. Ordóñez, who had traveled to Rome expressly to refer to what was happening in Argentina, was received by Pope Pius XII who, the first thing he said when he saw him was:

- Do you know what has happened?
-No, Your Holiness – answered Ordóñez.
-The library of the Jockey Club has been set on fire – the Pontiff replied, dismayed, adding – I am deeply saddened. Priceless works have been lost there.

What the Holy Father and a good part of public opinion were unaware of was that, fortunately for posterity, a part of that collection and several volumes from the library had been rescued from the flames and placed under protection.
From then on, Perón's phrases became increasingly violent and brutal: "I ask you not to burn anymore or do any more of those things because when it's time to burn, I'm going to go out at your head to burn ! Then, if necessary, history will remember the biggest bonfire that humanity has kindled to this day! (May 7, 1953); "They ask me for firewood...why don't you start giving it?!"; "We're going to have to go back to the time of carrying bale wire in your pocket!" or "For every one of ours that falls, five of them will fall!"
That was the atmosphere that prevailed in Buenos Aires when the events that we are going to relate below broke out. Such irresponsible expressions did nothing more than precipitate the events and lead Argentine society to chaos and civil conflict. The regime was slowly weakening and tension began to take over society.


This old photograph shows the actions of the firefighters on the burned down headquarters of the Jockey Club


La Casa del Pueblo - Headquarters of the Socialist Party after the attack


To be continued...