Showing posts with label Beagle Crisis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Beagle Crisis. Show all posts

Monday, September 28, 2026

Beagle Crisis: H-Hour of D-Day

Hour-H's D-Day

La Guerra que no fue. La Crisis del Canal de Beagle en 1978


 
The aircraft carrier "25 de Mayo" is heading to the area of ​​operations
(Image: Fundación Histarmar. Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


In the first days of December, the Argentine fleet sailed towards the Beagle Channel under the command of Rear Admiral Humberto José Barbuzzi, a veteran naval officer who, as a lieutenant commander in 1964, had commanded the minesweeper ARA Seaver of the River Squadron. Aboard her, he had conducted patrols along the Paraná and Uruguay rivers, as well as several exercises in the Río de la Plata.

A year before the outbreak of the crisis, Barbuzzi had been appointed Secretary-General of the Navy, a post he held until the Military Junta appointed him Chief of Operations of the Naval General Staff, replacing Rear Admiral José Néstor Estévez.

At the time, the Argentine naval force was one of the most powerful in Latin America. It comprised the aircraft carrier ARA 25 de Mayo (V-2); the cruiser ARA General Belgrano (C-4); the First Destroyer Division’s ARA Hércules (D-28), ARA Domecq García (D-23), ARA Seguí (D-25) and ARA Hipólito Bouchard (D-26); and the Second Destroyer Division’s ARA Piedrabuena (D-29), ARA Almirante Storni (D-24), ARA Py (D-27), ARA Rosales (D-22) and ARA Santísima Trinidad (D-2). It also included the corvettes ARA Drummond (P-1) and ARA Guerrico (P-2); the auxiliary vessels ARA Alférez Sobral (A-9) and ARA Comodoro Somellera (A-10); the landing ships ARA Cándido de Lasala (Q-43), ARA Cabo San Antonio (Q-42) and ARA Punta Médanos (B-18); the minesweepers ARA Neuquén (M-1), ARA Río Negro (M-2), ARA Chubut (M-3), ARA Tierra del Fuego (M-4), ARA Chaco (M-5) and ARA Formosa (M-6); the transport ship ARA Canal de Beagle (B-3); the tanker ARA Punta Médanos; and several tankers belonging to the state oil company Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF), which provided auxiliary support to the Navy. The Submarine Force, meanwhile, consisted of ARA Salta (S-31), ARA San Luis (S-32), ARA Santa Fe (S-21) and ARA Santiago del Estero (S-22), together with its assigned auxiliary vessel, ARA Comandante Irigoyen (A-1).

As it sailed towards the southern tip of the continent, the fleet operated in three battle groups. The first was led by 25 de Mayo and its Carrier Air Group, comprising eight Douglas A-4Q Skyhawks, four Grumman S-2 Trackers, four Sikorsky S-61D-4 Sea King helicopters and one Alouette helicopter. Its escorts were the guided-missile destroyer Hércules, armed with two Exocet MM38 missiles, and the ultramodern A-69-class missile corvettes Drummond and Guerrico, each carrying another four Exocet MM38s.

The second group was led by the venerable cruiser General Belgrano and escorted by the destroyers Rosales, Hipólito Bouchard and Piedrabuena. The first two were also armed with four Exocet MM38 missiles. The group additionally included the landing ships Cándido de Lasala and Cabo San Antonio, the tanker Punta Médanos and other vessels belonging to the state-owned YPF company.

The third group sailed with the destroyers Py and Seguí in the lead, both armed with four Exocet MM38 missiles, followed by Almirante Storni and Domecq García as escorts.

To these forces must be added the four submarines of the Submarine Force Command and their assigned auxiliary vessel, Comandante Irigoyen, along with the patrol boats of the Fast Boat Group operating from Ushuaia Naval Base: ARA Indómita (P-86), ARA Intrépida (P-85), and the torpedo boats ARA Alakush (P-84) and ARA Towora (P-82). Compared with the fleet then available to Chile, this was a formidable force.

The Naval Aviation Command also deployed its veteran Lockheed SP-2H Neptune long-range patrol aircraft, North American Aviation T-28 Trojan/Fennecs, Aermacchi MB-339As, Beechcraft T-34 Mentors and several transport aircraft.

The Argentine Army, for its part, had 123 light advanced main battle tanks, 120 upgraded M4 Shermans, between 50 and 60 Mowag Grenadiers fitted with 120 mm guns, 100 M113s, between 100 and 130 M3/9s, between 20 and 25 AMX infantry fighting vehicles, 24 AMX 155 mm self-propelled guns, horse-drawn Schneider 105 and 155 mm guns, 101 OTO Melara 105 mm guns, 1935-model Oerlikon L70 20 mm guns, 1938-model Bofors L70 40 mm guns, Roland-Czekalski 105 mm recoilless guns, M67 90 mm guns and several 35 mm Skyguard systems. The Army also possessed a substantial number of Bell UH-1H helicopters—between 20 and 25—along with ten Pumas, nine Agustas and 109 Hirundos.

In compliance with its orders, the Argentine Air Force deployed a large proportion of its available strength: Douglas A-4B and A-4C Skyhawks, Mirage IIIEs, Israeli-built Mirage V Daggers, between eight and ten Canberra Mk 62s, and twelve domestically manufactured IA-58 Pucarás. The latter had already received their baptism of fire in Tucumán against the subversive organisations operating in that province between 1974 and 1976.

Against all this firepower, the Chileans claimed that they would rely on their “fighting spirit” and “warrior ethos”.

Tension continued to mount as the days passed. This was reflected in the press of both countries, which reported on the crisis under prominent headlines.

 


Mountain passes at the latitude of Mendoza


To mislead the enemy, Naval Command circulated false information, monitoring and manipulating the dispatches sent to their newspapers by war correspondents aboard naval vessels. This is a measure employed by every nation in wartime to achieve its objectives, and the Beagle crisis was no exception. On 11 December, when the fleet was sailing off the coast of Santa Cruz, the correspondent for the newspaper La Razón filed the following report::

Aboard the aircraft carrier 25 de Mayo, at sea, 11 December (Télam) — When this correspondent believed he was about to sail southwards through the Atlantic, he was surprised to discover that the voyage was actually taking us north of our port of departure. At present, with a temperature of 18°C, we are sailing off the coast of Mar del Plata. Although we cannot see the city, we imagine its holidaymakers basking on its golden beaches.

Meanwhile, aboard this aircraft carrier, which flies the flag of the commander of the Sea Fleet, Rear Admiral Humberto José Barbuzzi, this year’s training exercises continue. The pilots of both the attack squadrons and the submarine-search units continue to launch from the catapult and return to make arrested landings. This is an exercise they must perform constantly to remain prepared, just as an athlete must train to maintain his physical condition and be ready to compete.

A few miles around us are the logistical support vessels and warships, carrying out various formations as part of their specialist training. The officers who have no operational duties, meanwhile, gather in the wardroom and pass the time playing various indoor games. And so, peacefully and with the silhouettes of our warships visible on the horizon, the final stage of the 1978 naval campaign continues.

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That same day, the Military Committee met to examine the situation thoroughly and adopt the appropriate measures. The meeting began at 9 a.m. in the Libertador Building and was attended by the members of the Military Junta, with the exception of Brigadier General Orlando Ramón Agosti, who was in Venezuela leading an official mission. The highest-ranking officers of the three armed services took part, headed by the Army’s commander-in-chief, Lieutenant General Roberto Eduardo Viola; his Navy counterpart, Admiral Armando Lambruschini; and the commander of Air Operations, Brigadier Major Miguel A. Ossés, who attended in Agosti’s place. They were joined by the head of the Joint General Staff, Brigadier Major Pablo O. Apella; Foreign Minister Carlos Washington Pastor; the Army’s Secretary-General, Reinaldo Benito Antonio Bignone; the Navy’s Secretary-General, Vice-Admiral Eduardo Fracassi; and the Air Force’s Secretary-General, Basilio Lami Dozo.

Meeting behind closed doors, the senior figures of the Process devoted their attention to the dispute with Chile, carefully reviewing the instructions given to Pastor regarding the imminent summit with his Chilean counterpart. The meeting continued until noon and concluded with the drafting of a statement, which was released to the press an hour later:

Today, beginning at 9 a.m., the Military Committee met in the General San Martín Libertador Building, headquarters of the Army High Command. During the session, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship received instructions concerning the talks due to begin tomorrow with the Chilean Foreign Minister. This meeting forms part of the third phase of the Act of Puerto Montt. The meeting concluded at noon.

Later that afternoon, Lieutenant General Viola summoned the Army’s senior commanders to a meeting on the morning of Thursday the 14th, to be attended by all divisional generals and the most senior brigadier general. The purpose of the meeting was to brief them on his forthcoming inspection of units in the south and on the decisions taken regarding mobilisation.

Meanwhile, as part of the Summer Antarctic Campaign, the icebreaker ARA General San Martín (Q-4) resupplied Esperanza Base on Trinity Peninsula, at the northern tip of San Martín Land. In Santiago, Chilean Foreign Minister Cubillos prepared to leave for Buenos Aires carrying his government’s proposals and a message from Pinochet to Videla, the contents of which were not disclosed.

As his aircraft was preparing to take off, an anonymous caller warned that a bomb had been placed aboard. The VARIG aircraft was evacuated and subjected to a thorough inspection, delaying its departure until 4.30 p.m. Once it had been established that the warning was a hoax, the aircraft departed and landed at Ezeiza two hours later.

The following day, the Brazilian Government issued a statement urging both governments to seek a peaceful solution to the crisis. It also emerged that General Carol Lopicich had assumed command of the Fifth Division and that Buenos Aires was unaware of the representations Chile had been making to the White House.


Argentine helicopters from the Insular Air Group in tactical formation patrol the Fuegian channels (December 1978)


Some time earlier, former President Eduardo Frei Montalva, an outspoken opponent of the Pinochet regime, had declared that Argentina was pushing towards a violent outcome that his country did not seek:  
‘…we oppose the military government because of its undemocratic practices and its suppression of civil liberties, but it is clear that a conflict with dramatic consequences is being encouraged here—and not by Chile.’
 

On 8 December, the former president reaffirmed that Chile’s position was legally and morally beyond dispute, no doubt recalling the 1965 Laguna del Desierto incident, which had occurred during his presidency.

Three days earlier, the Santiago newspaper La Segunda had falsely reported that Argentina’s 1956 and 1957 conscription classes, together with all discharged military personnel, had been called up by the authorities to increase the armed forces to 500,000 men ‘…in its mad rush towards war with Chile’.

Meanwhile, trenches were being dug, shelters constructed, mines laid and barbed-wire entanglements erected in Puerto Natales and elsewhere in southern Chile, including Dorotea and Cerro Castillo. With an invasion believed to be imminent, reservists were being called up.

According to Sergeant Major Juan Vladinic of the Lancer Regiment, 120 former conscripts had reported to his barracks, and more were still expected.

The crisis reached its highest point of tension in the early afternoon of 11 December, when it emerged that Argentina had forced an aircraft belonging to Ladeco, a major Chilean airline operating since 1958, to return to Pudahuel. In response, headlines such as ‘We shall respond to the OIRT boycott by increasing exports’, ‘New military commander calls for calm’ (La Prensa Austral, 12 December 1978), ‘Chileans expelled from Argentina’ (UPI, 14 December), ‘Navy’s ability to defend national sovereignty’ (La Prensa Austral, 14 December 1978), ‘Argentina on a war footing’ (Cable Express/ANSA/UPI, 17 December 1978), ‘Argentina blocks lorries travelling from Brazil to Chile’ (Uruguaiana, Brazil, 17 December 1978), ‘Hostility towards Chileans increases in Argentina’ (EFE/La Tercera, 17 December 1978), ‘Defences prepared on Lennox, Nueva and Picton Islands’ (ANSA, 17 December 1978) and ‘Wartime atmosphere in Ushuaia’ (Clarín, 18 December 1978) flooded the Chilean media in reports arriving from abroad.

Yet amid the darkness, a faint glimmer of hope occasionally appeared. ‘Cardinal Samoré optimistic: “Peace is difficult but possible”’ (APP, 17 December 1978); ‘A solution to the crisis remains possible: the delimitation of the waters is all that remains to be settled’ (Le Monde, 18 December 1978).

As the international press reported at the time, the Argentine Government ordered the repatriation of thousands of Chileans living in the country.

Under strict guard, hundreds of Chilean families were forced aboard coaches and long railway convoys bound for their homeland. The scenes at Buenos Aires’s Retiro and Once railway stations—with shouting, heavily armed guards pointing their weapons or restraining fierce dogs on leads—evoked images of the Second World War. Some passengers and passers-by hurled abuse and racist insults at those being repatriated. Similar scenes occurred in Bahía Blanca, Viedma, Rawson, Trelew, Comodoro Rivadavia and Río Gallegos, where Chileans faced threats and assaults of every kind.

War nearly broke out when, in the middle of the Beagle Channel, an Argentine torpedo boat almost sank a Chilean barge, one day after Buenos Aires had decided to close the route used by lorries travelling between Brazil and Chile.

While these events were unfolding, Chilean troops were preparing their defences on Picton, Lennox and Nueva Islands by digging trenches, erecting barbed-wire entanglements, laying mines along the beaches and positioning heavy artillery.

Around that time, the contents of a letter dated 5 December 1978, sent by a Chilean soldier from the front to his mother, began to circulate. The letter carried particular significance because its author was the nephew of Lieutenant Hernán Merino Correa, the Carabineros officer killed by Argentine gendarmes at Laguna del Desierto. It read:


My dearest Mum,

I know this letter will make you anxious, but I also know that fate has willed it this way.

We have been transferred to a place I cannot name, but it is very close to where Uncle Hernán died. If that is so, it is because our destiny is bound to that of our beloved Chile.

I think a great deal about you and my younger brothers, but I believe there is no other way. If anything should happen to me, my younger brothers will look after you. It is my duty to take my place in the ranks and carry on our family legacy, and I hope you will understand, however many tears it may cost us.

An ordinary day here is much like it was back in Santiago. They always get us up very early, although on some days they spoil us and give us something extra for breakfast. Then we begin our training, which is no longer basic but more specialised. I now serve as a machine-gunner, and my friend Luis and I train while joking with each other as the corporals instruct us. As you can imagine, they do not find this very amusing, so we receive our fair share of punishments: ‘On the ground, recruit! Begin press-ups!’ ‘Up! Double march!’ ‘About turn! Double march!’

There are other punishments too, and although they leave us exhausted, we cannot stop laughing. That only makes the corporals even angrier.

I remember doing exercises at home with Uncle Hernán while I was preparing to join the Carabineros like him, although I never understood why we had to train every day. Now I understand why we ran such long distances and why he strengthened my arms with shark drills and press-ups. That is why I laugh when the corporals punish me with exercises I have already mastered.

Well, they are calling us to the mess, so I must finish this letter if I am to send it today.

I send many kisses to you and my younger brothers. Do not forget to read them this letter so that they know I am always thinking of them. Tell them, my dearest Mum, that they must behave themselves and that you will tell me how each of them has been behaving.

When you go to visit Dad, take him a flower from me, and another one for Uncle Hernán.

Your son,

Hernán Rodríguez Merino

P.S. The scarf you knitted for me fits perfectly. I badly needed it, as the cold here is bitter.
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On December 14, as tensions grew, an event occurred that revived hopes for a possible peaceful solution: Pope John Paul II sent a clear signal to the presidents of Argentina and Chile that he was willing to mediate to prevent tragedy.

Mr President,

I wish to turn my attention to the imminent meeting between the Foreign Ministers of Argentina and Chile, in the earnest hope that the dispute dividing your countries, which causes me such deep anguish, may be overcome.

May these talks pave the way for further reflection, avoiding steps that might have unforeseen consequences and allowing the differences between the two countries to continue to be examined calmly and responsibly. In this way, the demands of justice, fairness and prudence may prevail as the firm and lasting foundation of fraternal relations between your peoples, responding to their profound desire for peace at home and abroad, upon which a better future may be built.

Dialogue does not prejudice existing rights. It broadens the range of reasonable possibilities and brings honour to those who have the courage and good judgement to pursue it tirelessly in the face of every obstacle.

This endeavour will be blessed by God, supported by the agreement of your peoples and welcomed by the international community.

My appeal is inspired by the paternal affection I feel for those two beloved nations and by the confidence I draw from the sense of responsibility they have shown thus far, of which I hope to see renewed evidence.

With my best wishes and my Blessing.

Vatican City, 12 December 1978

IOANNES PAULUS PP. II


By then, Rear Admiral Barbuzzi had positioned his naval units east of Isla de los Estados, approximately 300 miles south-east of Río Grande. He deployed almost all his ships in the shallow waters of Burdwood Bank, where they would be less vulnerable to possible submarine attack. There the fleet waited for the order to launch its attack. Shortly before noon on 15 December, Barbuzzi received word that the radar screens had detected an unidentified contact.

An hour earlier, a Chilean Navy CASA 212 Aviocar, possibly aircraft N-146, had taken off from Chabunco Air Base in Punta Arenas and flown directly eastwards in search of the Argentine fleet.

At 2.40 p.m., the aircraft reached 58°55′S, 63°48′W, flying at 150 knots and an altitude of 5,000 feet. It was then detected by the fleet’s airborne warning systems.

Lieutenant Julio Alberto Poch

At the time, two A-4Q Skyhawks had taken off from 25 de Mayo: aircraft 0654/3-A-301, flown by Lieutenant Commander Julio Italo Lavezzo, and 0660/3-A-307, flown by Lieutenant Julio Alberto Poch. They began receiving vectors towards two radar contacts. The first proved to be a friendly Grumman S-2 Tracker, crewed by Lieutenant Enrique Fortini and Midshipman Marcelo Álvarez, which was flying with its IFF system switched on. The second was the Chilean Aviocar. Both Skyhawks headed towards it, prepared to shoot it down.

When Lavezzo brought the intruder within firing range, the Chilean aircraft turned sharply and escaped towards Punta Arenas under cover of the clouds, without completing its mission. Four minutes later, another three A-4Q Skyhawks took off from 25 de Mayo with orders to pursue and intercept any hostile aircraft, but they made no contact.

Throughout that day, the Chilean fleet remained motionless inside the fjords near the O’Brien Channel, barely 100 miles from Cape Horn, awaiting instructions. That same night, the CIA informed the White House that an Argentine attack was imminent and would take place no later than 21 or 22 December, although it could not specify the exact time. In response, Jimmy Carter hastened the return of his Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, who was then travelling abroad. At almost the same time, Brazil confirmed the scale of the military movements under way in the far south.

On the morning of 19 December, acting on orders from the High Command, the Argentine fleet left its positions east of Isla de los Estados and sailed at 20 knots towards the Beagle Channel and Cape Horn. It advanced through heavy seas, with strong westerly winds and waves reaching four metres in height.

At that same moment, Ambassador Enrique Ros, Argentina’s representative to the United Nations, placed in his briefcase the document he was to submit to the Security Council and entered a diplomatic vehicle that would take him to the organisation’s headquarters. It contained his government’s complaint against ‘…the illegal measures adopted by Chile which, because of their military character, pose a renewed threat to international peace and security by altering the region’s status quo’. In effect, this was the justification for launching the invasion. The intention was to portray Chile before the Security Council as the aggressor, occupying Argentine territory and thereby creating a casus belli that entitled its neighbour to recover ‘what belonged to it’ by force.

While this was taking place in distant New York, the Chilean ships remained concealed in their hiding places. They were still there when, at 4.49 a.m., one of their aircraft—apparently the CASA 212 Aviocar N-147—detected two radar contacts.

Aboard 25 de Mayo, Lieutenant Pettinari was sitting inside his A-4Q Skyhawk on the flight deck at Alert Five when he received orders to take off and intercept the enemy.

After checking his instruments and confirming that everything was in order, Pettinari brought the engine to full power and, carefully following the flight-deck signals, launched at high speed before setting a westerly course.

A fighter was always kept ready on the carrier’s catapult, armed with missiles and bombs but without external fuel tanks.

Pettinari was flying the same aircraft that Lavezzo had used. In it, he intercepted the CASA 212 as it flew at 150 knots and an altitude of 3,000 feet at 54°30′S, 60°53′W.

Pettinari positioned his aircraft alongside the enemy aeroplane, buffeting it violently with his jet wash. Once he had the CASA lined up in his gunsight, he radioed the carrier’s control tower for permission to shoot it down.

Chilean Aviocar CASA 212 
The pilot waited anxiously for a reply, his thumb resting on the firing button, ready to open fire, but the order never came.

The Chilean aircraft fled at full speed under cover of the clouds, while Pettinari turned back towards the carrier.

That same morning, Vice-Admiral López Silva, commander of the Chilean fleet at sea, was listening closely to a Radio Minería news broadcast on his battery-powered radio when he heard the Argentine Foreign Minister declare that, as far as relations with Chile were concerned, the time for words had ended and the time for action had begun.

Without delay, López Silva rose and made his way to the bridge, where he ordered his ships to prepare to sail and begin the customary preparations for battle. He made it clear that every vessel was to remove anything flammable that was not essential to its mission.

Aboard *Portales*, Mariano Sepúlveda recalled that this was standard practice to prevent fires if the ship was struck by enemy shells. On the frigate *Condell*, Lieutenant Edwin Conn ordered the gun crews to begin their preparations. ‘We sailed with our guns ready, because loading them in heavy seas out in the Drake Passage is no easy task.’

At that moment, the flagship received an encrypted message from Naval Command warning that the invasion was imminent: ‘Prepare to commence combat operations at dawn. Attack imminent. Good luck.’ From then on, the crews knew that the sounding of action stations would signal the beginning of hostilities.

At 10.20 a.m. that same day, López Silva received a second message from Admiral Merino. It read: ‘Attack and destroy any enemy vessel found within Chilean territorial waters.’


The fleet’s divisions sailed from their wartime anchorages on 19 December, heading for a position well south of Cape Horn. Their mission was to repel any Argentine attempt to land forces in the disputed area, whether or not it was supported by the Argentine Sea Fleet, known as FLOMAR, and to exploit any favourable opportunity to defeat Argentine naval power.3.

Shortly afterwards, US intelligence sources confirmed to the Chilean Government that the attack would take place that very night.

At 9.50 p.m., Captain Ramón Undurraga, commanding officer of the destroyer Williams, went to the ship’s safe to retrieve the key that unlocked the Exocet MM38 missile-control console. He was deeply troubled because he knew that war would break out that night. As he placed the key in his trouser pocket, he felt the enormous weight of his responsibility. Anguish, excitement and nervousness overwhelmed him all at once.

Several miles to the east, Admiral Barbuzzi was battling a violent storm, with enormous waves reaching 12 metres and seas that threatened to become even rougher. Under such conditions, any attempt to approach the islands was unthinkable. Realising that the weather was continuing to deteriorate, he ordered a report to be transmitted to the communications room in the Libertad Building, the headquarters of Naval Command in Buenos Aires.

In response, the High Command ordered him to reverse course and await an improvement in the weather. The fleet began complying with the order at 8.15 a.m. on Wednesday, 20 December.

At dawn on the 21st, the Chilean fleet left its positions in the strait and headed south through the Drake Passage, putting greater distance between its ships and the enemy air bases. The previous afternoon, it had received orders to enter the area in two sections. The first, designated ‘Steel’, was to advance in front, skirting the islands of the Drake Passage and acting as a defensive screen that would bear the brunt of the enemy’s initial attack. The second, ‘Bronze’, would remain farther south and respond to the assault with its missiles.


Absolute silence reigned aboard the cruiser *Capitán Prat*. In the early hours of 22 December 1978, the fleet’s flagship advanced alone through the cold southern channels towards the Drake Passage. Captain Eri Solís Oyarzún was in command (…) Seated before a monitor at his command station, he followed minute by minute all the information he needed about *Prat* and its surroundings. The data gave him a clear picture of what was happening, allowing him to direct the ship’s operations precisely as it carried out its assigned mission (…) On the upper deck stood the fleet’s commander-in-chief, Vice-Admiral Raúl López Silva, watching another monitor that provided equally vital information: the positions of the other ships in the fleet.5.

According to Chilean sources, a CIA report placed the two fleets on a direct collision course at 8 a.m., although this version has never subsequently been confirmed.

Meanwhile, aboard the Argentine ships, the crews knew that the enemy fleet was expected to be detected in little more than four hours, and every precaution had therefore been taken to begin combat operations. The storm, however, continued to batter the area and appeared to be growing even more severe.

A new incident then occurred, seemingly indicating that the attacking forces had begun the invasion.


The cruiser "General Belgrano" near Ushuaia (Image: Fundación Histarmar. Historia y arqueología Marítima)

As the surface vessels moved through the rough waters near Cape Horn, one of the ships obtained a sonar contact on bearing 278, classified as a possible submarine. Once the information had been reported, orders were received to attack it immediately. A Sikorsky SH-3H Sea King helicopter, serial number 2-H-231, was dispatched towards the target without delay. It lifted off from the deck of *25 de Mayo* beneath an overcast sky and set course despite the severe conditions.

The aircraft carried beneath its fuselage a US-built Mk 44 anti-submarine torpedo divided into four sections. The first, housed in its blunt nose, contained the 75-pound active-sonar seeker, with the 34-kilogram high-explosive warhead immediately behind it.

Upon reaching the target, the operator prepared to release the torpedo. When he pressed the firing button, however, the weapon failed to detach. The helicopter withdrew, but its escort launched several British-built Hedgehog anti-submarine projectiles. Although they exploded, there was no evidence that they had struck anything.

A Grumman S-2 Tracker arrived behind the helicopter and, at 8.45 a.m., dropped a torpedo of the same type. It disappeared into the depths without reaching the target.

Forty minutes later, the Sea King carrying the defective torpedo landed aboard *25 de Mayo*. With the assistance of the deck crew, its release mechanism was tested and this time operated perfectly.

The cause of the sonar contact was never established. It is certain, however, that it was not an enemy vessel: at that moment, the Chilean fleet’s only available submarine was operating in Pacific waters, many kilometres away.


Pope John Paul II instructs Cardinal Agostino Casaroli to announce his mediation

At 6.15 a.m. that same day, Chile’s ambassador to the Holy See, Héctor Riesle, telephoned his country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs to inform the Foreign Minister that Cardinal Agostino Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, had told him that Pope John Paul II was prepared to intervene personally to prevent the war. The Vatican official proposed sending a representative to both capitals to obtain direct and specific information about each side’s position. The same proposal had also been conveyed to the Argentine representative to the Holy See.

It also emerged that the Apostolic Nuncio in Buenos Aires, Archbishop Pío Laghi, had already taken the necessary steps and that the Primate of Argentina, Cardinal Raúl Primatesta, had sent an urgent telegram to Rome, dated 19 December, imploring the Holy Father to intervene immediately.

As soon as he finished speaking to Riesle, Cubillos rushed to La Moneda to deliver the news to the President. After listening with great attention, Pinochet ordered him to reply immediately and accept the proposal.

Argentina’s response arrived at 1.30 p.m. and struck Chilean government circles like a bombshell: it was an unequivocal refusal. The Chilean officials stared at one another, first in astonishment and then with mounting indignation
.

‘All the members of the advisory committee were meeting with the Minister when we learnt the contents of the message,’ Enrique Bernstein would recall years later. ‘As I listened to it, I could not help recalling the notes exchanged between the European foreign ministries on the eve of the First World War. Not only did it avoid responding to Chile’s proposal, but it also accused Chile of acting contrary to international law in an attempt to “assert claims over island and maritime areas under Argentine sovereignty”. It concluded by stating that, because our note persisted in the position already adopted, it “does not allow suitable formulas to be found to safeguard the negotiating process”.7


Immediately afterwards, a second report reached Santiago suggesting that the war had already begun.

Chilean businessman Andrónico Luksic Abaroa, Ford’s representative in Argentina, was preparing to collect a shipment of pick-up trucks from the port of Ingeniero White in Bahía Blanca when Argentine government officials arrived with a decree confiscating the consignment. ‘The Republic being in a state of war, the consignment is hereby requisitioned,’ the order stated tersely.

‘That was when we began to realise that there was no turning back,’ Cubillos would explain years later. Pinochet then ordered his ministers to implement all the measures planned for the outbreak of hostilities and the protection of the civilian population. It is said that, on the same day, the United States supplied him with satellite photographs showing the movements of the Argentine fleet.

At 5.30 p.m. on 20 December, Argentine ground forces took up their positions and began final preparations for the invasion.

In the Morro Chico sector, twenty-six M4 Sherman tanks started their engines while anti-aircraft guns trained their sights on their targets. At almost the same time, A-4Q Skyhawks took off from 25 de Mayo. Twenty minutes later, they landed at Río Grande Air Base, where ground crews were waiting to service and prepare them.

To counter the attack, the Chileans deployed twelve M4 Sherman tanks and numerous 105 mm guns towards Cabeza de Mar, while truck-borne troops hurried in the direction of Morro Chico.

At 6.15 p.m., shortly after a Chilean naval CASA 212 reported the advance of Argentine naval units, three Chilean Air Force A-37 Dragonflies, led by Captain Herrera, took off from Chabunco on another reconnaissance mission over Cabeza de Mar.

The aircraft climbed one after another until they broke through the cloud layer at an altitude of 700 metres, then turned east towards the designated area.


Chilean ships in the Beagle Channel

As they approached, their radars detected an electronic signal identifying a friendly aircraft (FF). This confirmed a message transmitted by Brigadier General Carol Lopicic, commander of the Army’s Fifth Division, from his underground command post between Kon Aysen and Cabeza de Mar. The encrypted message ordered an overflight of his sector and included instructions containing RMA coordinate codes, together with additional reconnaissance data for a border-control area between Monte Aymond and Río Gallegos Chico.

The following exchange took place between the pilots:

Puma 4: Puma 4, Beta 1 passed Foxtrot, over.

Rayo: Rayo Beta 232 at Foxtrot, over.

Puma 4: Indio 1, instruct Lima to Ñandú 9…52…04…45.1 Charlie Papa through Tango Papa 4, over.

Rayo: Roger. Foxtrot closed, out.

Once the objective had been confirmed, Captain Herrera, carrying the aeronautical chart on his right thigh, identified the firing range and headed towards it. His wingmen followed at an altitude of 600 metres as they flew over the Altos de Terramontes, near San Gregorio.

Rayo: Ñandú 9, this is Rayo Beta 232… Over.

Ñandú 9: Ñandú 9, Alfa-Tango 4563, monitoring on Foxtrot. This is Ñandú 9, over.

Rayo: Puma 2 orders one Papa to be sent to Charlie at Post 4, Papa Charlie to Post 4, to receive a final combat order and reinforcements, over.

Ñandú 9: Roger, over.

Rayo: Any relevant news?

Ñandú 9: Negative… Same as always… Foxtrot closed, out.

Rayo: Roger. Foxtrot closed, out.

At 11.30 a.m., another aerial incident occurred, this time involving the A-4Q Skyhawk flown by Lieutenant Marcelo Márquez, who would be killed in action less than four years later during the South Atlantic War. At that time, his aircraft intercepted a third CASA 212 Aviocar, possibly N-145, flying eastwards in search of the Argentine fleet.

Márquez lined up the aircraft in his sights and immediately contacted his base to request permission to shoot it down.

‘Request authorisation to shoot down enemy aircraft.’

‘Negative, Bronco. Negative,’ came the reply.

Márquez was surprised, but he was still not authorised to open fire.

The Chilean aircraft abandoned the search and fled swiftly towards San Sebastián, landing half an hour later in Punta Arenas.
TN Marcelo Márquez,
He will die heroically in 1982

The Argentine pilot turned back and landed at Río Grande, where he delivered his report in the pilots’ briefing room, giving a detailed account of the encounter.

Pinochet was presiding over an officers’ graduation ceremony at the Libertador Bernardo O’Higgins Military Academy when his aide-de-camp, Colonel Jorge Ballerino, hurried over to hand him an urgent message from Punta Arenas. The President read it in silence and immediately slipped the paper into one of his pockets. Operations were beginning.

Pedro Daza, the Chilean Foreign Ministry’s special envoy in Washington, was preparing to request an urgent meeting of the OAS under the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, or Rio Treaty, while the Strategic Political Advisory Committee (CAPE) met on the tenth floor of the Diego Portales Building to decide whether Chile should appeal to the International Court of Justice. It was understood that Argentina would regard such a step as a casus belli, after which there would be no turning back. Argentine Interior Minister Albano Eduardo Harguindeguy had said as much to the Chilean ambassador in Buenos Aires, Sergio Jarpa Reyes. For that reason, after listening silently to the arguments, Pinochet decided to postpone the initiative for another twenty-four hours.

Meanwhile, Chilean intelligence attempted to obtain further information through its agent in the Argentine capital, Enrique Arancibia Clavel, a homosexual native of Punta Arenas who had been accused of involvement in the killing of his fellow Chilean, General René Schneider, on 25 October 1970. He was continually pressed for information.

On 21 December, the Argentine High Command launched Operation Sovereignty.

At 10 p.m. that day, designated H-1, the 3rd and 4th Marine Infantry Battalions were to occupy the islands and the eastern entrance to the channel. The ground offensive in both Tierra del Fuego and on the mainland was to begin at midnight, designated H-2. The Fifth Army Corps would advance from Santa Cruz towards Punta Arenas, Puerto Natales and Puerto Aden, securing the area once all enemy resistance had been destroyed. Having accomplished this objective, the corps would transfer one-third of its forces to support the Third Army Corps, which was to advance against the Chilean capital and Osorno through the Puyehue Pass. From there, it would continue southwards towards Puerto Montt, supported by the advance of the 2nd Armoured Cavalry Brigade.

At 6 a.m. on 23 December, designated H-8, the Air Force and Naval Aviation would proceed to destroy the enemy fleet and capture Puerto Williams on the Magellanic coast, with support from the Sea Fleet, as envisaged in Phase I of the plan.

Phase II called for the Third Army Corps to advance towards Santiago, Valparaíso and Puerto Montt through the Los Libertadores, Maipú and Puyehue passes. Its objective was to cut Chile into four sections and capture as much territory as possible, supported by Air Force strategic bombing raids against enemy positions and selected targets in cities and along major roads.

Lieutenant Marcelo Márquez's A-4Q departs on an interception mission (Image: Fundación Histarmar. Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

Meanwhile, the Second Army Corps would remain on standby along the Brazilian border, while the 2nd Brigade, based at Comodoro Rivadavia, would hold its positions as the strategic reserve.

As the ground invasion progressed, the Navy would deploy its various task groups. Task Group 1 (GT1) would support the landings on the islands in the channel, while Task Group 2 (GT2) would prevent the enemy fleet from advancing towards the Atlantic and support the troops assigned to capture Gable Island, the preliminary step towards taking Puerto Williams.

While these operations were under way, at H-2 the battle-hardened 5th Marine Infantry Battalion (BIM 5), which would distinguish itself at Tumbledown three years later, was to occupy the Freycinet, Herschel, Wollaston, Deceit and Hornos island groups and drive out the opposing forces stationed there. This would place the territories of the far south and the interoceanic passage under Argentine control.

The Air Force would bomb targets in Punta Arenas, Puerto Williams, Talcahuano, Puerto Montt and Santiago. Its principal targets were military and government buildings, ports, airports, military bases, bridges, docks, roads and fuel depots. The plan assumed that by dawn and the early hours of 23 December, the Chilean Air Force would either have been destroyed entirely or reduced by 75 per cent.

To accomplish this, Argentine aircraft were to approach their targets at low altitude to avoid radar detection, then attack with heat-seeking missiles as the Chilean aircraft were preparing to take off or running their engines at the ends of the runways. The intention was to destroy both aircraft and pilots, thereby neutralising the Chilean Air Force completely.

This part of the plan was designated Operation Sudden Death and consisted of lightning attacks against the following targets:

  • Quintero Air Base, Valparaíso
  • Pudahuel Air Base, Santiago
  • Comodoro Arturo Merino Benítez Air Base, Santiago
  • El Bosque Air Base
  • Cerrillos Air Base
  • Concepción Air Base
  • Manquehue Air Base, Temuco
  • Pichoy Air Base, Valdivia
  • El Tepual Air Base, Puerto Montt
  • Balmaceda Air Base, Aysén

This would neutralise all logistical and operational support, leaving Chile without air cover and giving Argentina complete control of the skies.

Under the plans drawn up by the High Command, the Juliet Group, comprising two Canberra Mk 62 bombers supported by two Mirage IIIEAs, would attack Quintero Air Base. The Lima Group would strike Pudahuel, El Bosque and Cerrillos with five A-4B Skyhawks, five A-4Cs, four Mirage IIIEAs providing cover and three Canberra Mk 62s. The Kapa Group would attack Concepción, Temuco and Valdivia with three Canberra Mk 62s, five A-4Bs, five A-4Cs and four Mirage IIIEAs. The Foxtrot Group would strike El Tepual with five A-4Bs, five A-4Cs and four Mirage IIIEAs. Finally, the Papo Group would attack Coyhaique with five A-4Bs and five A-4Cs.

Chilean torpedo boat in the Beagle Channel


The defence of the far south against an enemy air attack would be entrusted to Naval Aviation’s Southern Group. It comprised the eleven A-4Q Skyhawks operating from the aircraft carrier 25 de Mayo and Río Grande Air Base, where seven Aermacchi MB-339/As had also been deployed, together with an unspecified number of single-seat North American F-86 reconnaissance aircraft and T-34 Mentors. These aircraft would be supported by eight A-4Bs and seven A-4Cs from the Argentine Air Force’s 6th Fighter Group. The C-130 Hercules transports were also essential for moving troops and heavy equipment.

What the Argentine High Command had failed to anticipate was the severe deterioration in the weather on 21 December. Heavy rain, hurricane-force winds and waves more than twelve metres high made any approach to the objectives impossible, let alone air operations. Even so, Rear Admiral Barbuzzi maintained his course towards the operational area, waiting for the storm to subside so that the attack could begin.

At 10 p.m. that same day, Foreign Minister Hernán Cubillos was meeting with his closest advisers when he was informed that an urgent telephone call was waiting.

He listened closely to the caller and, after hanging up, told his advisers that the invasion had begun:

‘We have just been informed that our naval aircraft have detected the Argentine battle fleet in the Cape Horn area, sailing in attack formation. Continuous surveillance is under way. Control over the area is being intensified. Our Navy has already taken up its positions. The order to act will be issued within minutes.’

Argentine soldiers are moving somewhere in the south. On the night of December 21-22, some units entered Chilean territory undetected.

In the Beagle Channel, Vice-Admiral López Silva received another message from Admiral Toribio Merino: ‘Sail immediately and engage the Argentines.’

Such was the atmosphere on both sides of the Andes when the Pinochet Government invoked the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance and requested an urgent hemispheric consultation to denounce Argentina as the aggressor, while continuing to seek a diplomatic solution that might prevent war.

The invasion was due to begin at 10 p.m. on 21 December, but the growing violence of the storm forced it to be postponed.

The helicopters waited on deck for the order to depart, but the storm showed no sign of abating. The increasingly rough seas tossed the ships with mounting violence, preventing the operation from beginning.

Inside the aircraft, commandos and elite troops waited in silence, gripping their weapons tightly in gloved hands. Their faces were blackened with boot polish and their heads covered with black woollen caps. Pilots and aircrew remained on alert, ready to take off, while thousands of soldiers on the mainland prepared to begin their advance. Morale was high and the desire to fight intense, but the hours passed and nothing suggested that the weather would improve.


A fierce storm struck the fleet on December 22, delaying the Argentine invasion. (Image: Fundación Histarmar. Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

Chilean sources claim that at 7.19 p.m. another CASA 212 confirmed the position of the Argentine fleet on a bearing of 134 degrees, 120 kilometres south-east of Cape Horn, in the midst of a violent storm. What its sensors had actually detected, however, was hydrographic noise generated by US vessels sailing near that position.

That afternoon, Naval Command ordered Captain Pablo Wunderlich to move his men to Nueva Island, as it was expected to be the enemy’s first objective. The officer accordingly prepared the 150 elite troops of his Marine detachment and sailed aboard the destroyer Serrano towards the island, where they took up positions within sight of the enemy.

In their deductive fantasy, Chilean sources claim that Admiral Merino’s message must necessarily have been intercepted by the Argentine fleet. In their own words, this must have been ‘bad news for them, because it meant that the Chilean fleet knew their position and that they would be forced to fight before they could attempt to land on the islands’.

Captain John Howard, the area’s chief of staff, maintains that ‘when the Argentines received this message, they cannot have been at all pleased’.

It is difficult to believe that people who claim expertise in such matters could think that the Argentine Navy had not considered the possibility of being detected or expected to enter combat—which, in any event, never occurred.

At 11 p.m. that same night, another reconnaissance aircraft reported that it had detected the fleet moving near the islands in the channel and that one of its ships had already begun landing troops. The report caused considerable alarm among the Chilean forces stationed in the region. It soon emerged, however, that the aircraft’s crew had misidentified the contacts. The vessels appearing on their screens were actually the Chilean torpedo boats Quidora, Fresia, Tegualda and Guacolda, which were sailing through the area. Vice-Admiral López Silva’s naval units were quickly informed of the mistake, preventing them from being attacked by friendly fire.


A Chilean naval high command officer points to the spot where the cruiser "General Belgrano" entered its territorial waters (Image: emol.com)

Finally, the Argentine High Command gave the order to begin the attack. Shortly after receiving it, Rear Admiral Barbuzzi issued the corresponding directives in the midst of the storm and the violent seas off Cape Horn.

During the night of 21–22 December 1978, after twenty days at sea and at least one postponement of the opening of hostilities, the Argentine ships—crowded with troops and landing equipment—continued their advance towards the conflict zone to begin the largest amphibious operation in the history of the Americas.

The invasion had begun.




Images
Chilean "Escuadra" sailst to the South


Chilean frigate sailing towards the Beagle

"Almirante Lynch" Destroyer

"Ministro Zenteno" Destroyer

A4Q Skyhawk aircraft on the deck of the aircraft carrier "25 de Mayo"

Chilean Northtrop F-5 E Tigre II 



Another A4Q Skyhawk is preparing for takeoff
(Image: Fundación Histarmar. Historia y Arqueología Marítima)



Argentine radar Westinghouse AN-TPS43 and W-430

Chilean soldiers patrol the south
(Image: "Mi Mejor enemigo", Alex Bowen)

Chilean Hawker Hunter formation

Lieutenant Commander Augusto Bedacarratz carried out the first night engagement on the aircraft carrier "25 de Mayo" piloting an A4Q Skyhawk. He was the one who sank the British missile destroyer HMS "Sheffield" with an Exocet missile fired from a Super Etendard.

A Canberra Mk-62 deployed in the south

The "25 de Mayo" positioned itself east of Isla de los Estados, awaiting instructions.

The Chilean freighter "Araucano" sails through the waters of the Beagle Channel



An A4Q Skyhawk about to land on the "25 de Mayo"
The press reports the imminent entry into action










Notes

  1. The author belongs to the 1957 conscription class which, together with the preceding class, was exempted from military service following the reform introduced during the government of General Alejandro Agustín Lanusse. Neither class was ever called up.

  2. ‘El año que vivimos en peligro’, Capital, No. 237, 17 September–2 October 2008.

https://www.capital.cl/poder/2008/09/15/220919-el-ano-que-vivimos-en-peligro

  1. Ibid.

  2. This is what he later told Monsignor Pío Laghi in Buenos Aires.

  3. Patricia Arancibia Clavel and Francisco Bulnes Serrano, La Escuadra en Acción 1978: El conflicto del Beagle visto a través de sus protagonistas, Random House Mondadori, Santiago, November 2004, Chapter 1.

  4. The second section contains the guidance system and gyroscopes. The third houses the 24-kilowatt seawater battery, which uses silver chloride and magnesium electrodes, with seawater acting as the electrolyte. Finally, the propulsion section contains the electric motor, four rectangular control fins and two propellers.

  5. Enrique Bernstein Carabantes, Recuerdos de un diplomático ante el Papa mediador, 1979–1982, Vol. IV, Editorial Andrés Bello, Santiago, Chile, 1989, p. 27.

  6. Thirty-three years later, on 28 April 2011, Arancibia was found dead in his Buenos Aires flat, murdered by a lover who had allegedly stolen US$35,000 from him.

  7. It was once suggested, although without much supporting evidence, that after completing its operations against Chile—with its rear secured by the elimination of a potential enemy and the Chilean military arsenal confiscated—Argentina would begin operations in southern Brazil.


Sunday, November 23, 2025

Beagle Crisis: Depth Charges Against the Chilean Submarine Hyatt

Testimonies – Beagle Conflict 1978: “Attack the Enemy Submarine”



“In ’78, I was a Second-Class Petty Officer in the Argentine Navy, serving aboard the landing ship ARA Cabo San Antonio. During the Beagle Conflict, we were transporting Marine Infantry troops and supplies towards the south.

At the outset, when we set sail, we were told that we would be navigating without radio communication with higher command, so that the Chileans could not intercept our transmissions.

One evening, at dusk, we supposedly detected a Chilean submarine beneath our ship (which was said to have crossed into Argentine territorial waters). As time passed and it remained there, it was decided to attack it.

I don’t know whether that decision came from higher up (as radio silence was in place) or from our ship’s commanding officer.

Depth charges were dropped, fearing that the submarine might attack us, and hoping that this defensive action would drive it away.

The next morning, at dawn, oil-like patches were spotted on the surface, along with bits of metal or tin, or something of that sort. We never knew what it really was...

We served our country, and we would do it again.”

(Gonzalez, Juan Carlos – Argentine veteran, Beagle Channel Conflict)

Sunday, October 5, 2025

Beagle Crisis: The Planned Armoured Assault to Punta Arenas (v1.5)


Assault on the Chilean Government Buildings

Armoured Assault to Punta Arenas

By Esteban McLaren



On 22 December 1978, known as D-Day, various military actions would have been initiated in a coordinated manner along the borders with Chile within the framework of Operation Soberanía (Sovereignty). It is very difficult to determine with certainty which of all the planned actions would have actually started the war, but it is clear that it would have been a simultaneous assault on at least four fronts. The main focus would have been the naval battle and the landing in the Beagle Channel, where the Marine Infantry of the Argentine Navy (IMARA) would attempt to land part of its troops on the islands of Lennox, Nueva (already occupied by troops of the Chilean Marine Corps, CIM) and Picton, while other troops would seek to occupy the rest of the islands. This front will be the subject of future analysis. Synchronously, there would be a ground advance on the Southern front setting out from Río Gallegos (with a potential second line of advance from Rospentek Aike), with Punta Arenas as the final objective. The purpose of this article is to essay an alternative-history scenario. The war never happened, but how would it have unfolded if Argentina had not accepted papal mediation? That will be our point of divergence from real history. Let us appeal to rationality and foresight in an exercise that will always be incomplete and whose final outcome belongs to another space–time.


Start of the assault on Chilean positions on the border, with Mount Aymond in the background.


Context and development of the invasion

In the southern winter of 1978, tension between Argentina and Chile over the dispute regarding the Beagle Channel reached its peak. In the early hours of 21 December, Argentine troops stationed in Río Gallegos, Rospentek and other border locations received the order to begin the invasion of Chile. Since July, Chilean forces had been preparing for this confrontation, aware that diplomacy might not be enough to resolve the conflict.




The Argentine Forces

Argentina mobilised a formidable force, including the 1st Infantry Division, reinforced by elements of the XI Mechanised Infantry Brigade and the IX Infantry Brigade. The X Mechanised Infantry Brigade was deployed in Río Gallegos, ready to cross the border. All units would be reinforced as circumstances required.

In the air, A-4 Skyhawk, Mirage Dagger and Nesher fighter aircraft —as well as up to 14 F-86 Sabres (which had already violated Chilean airspace weeks earlier)— were ready to provide air support, while the Argentine Navy, with its destroyers and frigates, patrolled the nearby waters.

Argentine Forces:

  • V Army Corps — General José Antonio Vaquero —. Assigned mission: Strategic offensive starting at 24:00 (H+2), departing from Santa Cruz, with the likely objective of conquering Puerto Natales and Punta Arenas. Thereafter, it would support Army Corps III in its advance through Puyehue towards Chile, cutting communications between the central zone and the south of Chilean territory.
  • 1st Infantry Division (with elements of the XI Mechanised Infantry Brigade and the IX Infantry Brigade)
  • X Mechanised Infantry Brigade (based in Río Gallegos)
  • XI Mechanised Infantry Brigade
  • Argentine National Gendarmerie: Border guard forces
  • Air Force with A-4 Skyhawk, F-86-F Sabre and Mirage III fighter aircraft
  • Naval Forces: IMARA together with the T-28 Fennec, with nearly 20 units stationed on the island of Tierra del Fuego.



Urban combat in the 18 de Septiembre neighbourhood, Punta Arenas

The Chilean Defence

In response, Chile positioned its III Army Division in Punta Arenas, reinforced by the 4th Armoured Brigade “Coraceros” and the 6th Army Division, with elements of the 5th Infantry Brigade. The general in charge of the defence of the Magallanes region, General Nilo Floody Buxton, always stated that at this stage the border guards (Carabineros) would be his troops of choice. The Chilean Air Force, equipped with 12 A-37 Dragonfly aircraft and 6 Hawker Hunters, was on maximum alert, and the Chilean Navy, with its ships and submarine, was ready to intercept any Argentine naval advance.

Chilean Forces:

  • III Army Division (based in Punta Arenas)

  • 4th Armoured Brigade “Coraceros”

  • 6th Army Division (with elements of the 5th Infantry Brigade)

  • Carabineros: Border guard who, on this front, had disproportionate importance due to their knowledge of the frontier. The general in charge of the defence of Punta Arenas always stressed their importance in the defence, but as any militarised police force they were not proper infantry, and their only “encounter” with Argentine forces had left them in a very poor position. See further below.

  • Chilean Air Force with Hawker Hunter and A-37 combat aircraft (no confirmation of any of them)

  • Naval Forces (CIM tasked with the islands of the channel)

The case of the Carabineros as soldiers

One issue that has rarely been discussed with the attention it deserves —and which seems to have obsessed only the author— is Chile’s decision to employ the Carabineros de Chile (CC) as an infantry force, or even as mechanised infantry, during the Beagle conflict. This decision is particularly striking if one considers the institutional nature of the Carabineros: by their own definition, they are a national police force with functions of internal security and border control, making them a hybrid institution but essentially police. Their role is equivalent, in the Argentine case, to a combination of three forces: the Federal Police, the provincial police forces, and the Argentine National Gendarmerie (GNA), the latter indeed being a militarised security force with responsibility in border areas. Within this framework, any reasonable comparison between the CC and armed or military forces should carry strong conceptual reservations.

During the escalation of the Beagle Channel conflict, responsibility for the defence of the Magallanes Region —whose capital is Punta Arenas— fell to General Ernesto Floody Buxton. A singular figure, of British descent, fair-skinned and with manners that his supporters considered charismatic, Floody stood out for public statements as controversial as they were unfortunate, both in content and in form. It is surprising that an officer of his rank repeatedly declared in Chilean media that, if necessary, he would face a potential armed conflict exclusively with “troops” of the Carabineros. This assertion, far from anecdotal, has been corroborated by multiple testimonies and documentary records.

The underlying problem lies in the military planning implicit in this decision. From positions such as Monte Aymond, on the border, the deployment of Argentine armoured means was evident, suggesting that, in the event of hostilities, Argentina would opt for a high-intensity mechanised offensive. In this context arises a legitimate and deeply troubling question: did General Floody really expect to contain an armoured advance with police personnel lacking training in conventional war doctrine, or in combat as light or mechanised infantry?

The most basic military logic questions this disposition. What previous experience did the Carabineros have in high-intensity engagements? What tactical logic supported this choice? It is not only difficult to imagine an Argentine military plan that, for example, placed the GNA in the first line of an assault on Punta Arenas, but even in a counter-offensive situation it would be highly improbable to delegate to a militarised police force the containment of enemy troops.

And yet, that seems to have been exactly the Chilean approach. The official justifications referred to the use of the Carabineros as rearguard elements —for tasks such as control of prisoners of war and surveillance of civilian areas— but the empirical evidence contradicts that explanation. Carabineros were transported on LAN Chile night flights to Magallanes, with the aim of not alerting Argentine intelligence, and were deployed directly on the front line. Although they had received only a few weeks of training at the infantry school, their additional preparation was no more than that. Contemporary photographs and accounts place them armed with anti-tank rocket launchers in Cabeza de Mar, and other records document their transfer from Chabunco to Porvenir, in the heart of Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego —all positions within the immediate theatre of operations.




This deployment not only contradicts the official version but also exposes an alarming lack of strategic judgement. Far from being an extraordinary resource in the face of a logistical or tactical emergency, the use of the CC as a military vanguard reflects serious doctrinal disorganisation and, ultimately, an anachronistic view of modern warfare on the part of the Chilean high command. The defence of the country’s southernmost region was left in the hands of a force inadequate for the type of combat that was taking shape. If one also considers that the very same Carabineros had surrendered almost without resistance in the Lago del Desierto incident years earlier, the decision is not only questionable but openly irresponsible. It is true that in war one goes with what one has, but was there really no other ECh infantry available to employ in their place?



Invasion Routes

The Argentine forces planned their advance towards Punta Arenas using two main routes. The northern route, departing from Río Gallegos, crossed the border through Monte Aymond, following Route CH-255 southwards to Punta Arenas. This road, although relatively flat, presented natural challenges such as rivers and hills that could slow the advance.




The alternative route, departing from Rospentek, crossed the border following Route CH-40 and then headed south along Route CH-9 to Punta Arenas. This road was more difficult, with mountainous and wooded terrain that would complicate the advance of the armoured formations.

  1. Main Northern Route:

  • Starting point: Río Gallegos

  • Main points: Advance through the Monte Aymond border crossing, following Route CH-255 southwards to Punta Arenas.

  • Characteristics: Relatively flat terrain but with possible natural obstacles such as rivers and hills.

  • Open ground in many sections for an armoured battle and for the deployment of forces in line, wedge, or V formation.




  1. Alternative Western Route:

  • Starting point: Rospentek

  • Main points: Border crossing via Route CH-40, then proceed south along Route CH-9 to Punta Arenas.

  • Initial objective: Would begin with the capture and securing of Puerto Natales, a concentration point for Chilean forces.

  • Characteristics: Mountainous and wooded terrain, more difficult for the advance of large armoured formations. Suitable ground for ambushes.

  • Engineering considerations: Bridges along the route would be destroyed (for example, Puente Rubens, Río Pendiente), necessitating engineer units.

  • Suitability for armour: Poorly suited to broad armoured formations (only columns or diamond formations feasible).



These are the troops of the Chilean 5th Cavalry Regiment “Lanceros” [Lancers] deployed to defend Puerto Natales. They were going to face an Argentine armoured advance with horse-mounted cavalry, Polish style. No joke.


Chilean population in Argentine Patagonia

In his chronicle Cuando el río no era turbio (“When the river was not murky”), Ramón Arriagada recounts the close relationship between Chilean workers, mainly chilotes, and the Río Turbio coalfield in Argentina during the 1950s to 1970s. According to the 1970 census, Puerto Natales had 13,675 inhabitants, of whom 2,800 worked in the mine. By 1976, around 600 Chilean miners were commuting in shifts, using Natales as a dormitory town due to the lack of housing in Río Turbio.

Arriagada cites the writer Nicasio Tangol, who emphasised that the chilotes were fundamental in shaping Patagonia. In 1961, the newspaper El Austral reported that the mine produced 500 tonnes per day and employed 1,200 miners, mostly Chilean–chilotes. In addition, about 1,800 workers were employed on the surface, 80% of them Chileans as well. Another 600 Chileans worked on the construction of the 270-kilometre railway between Río Turbio and Río Gallegos, and by 1951 there were already 1,200 miners working in the coalfield.

The author highlights how migration from Chiloé to Patagonia increased, especially after the 1960 earthquake and tsunami, and how the 1978 border conflict between Chile and Argentina marked a change, when Chilean miners were replaced by workers from northern Argentina, Bolivia and Paraguay.

In his chronicle Sueños de Carbón (“Dreams of Coal”), Arriagada addresses the 2004 mining accident, which left 14 dead, and how retired miners from Natales who had worked in Río Turbio survive on miserable pensions and must cross the border to receive medical care, since they have no access to social security in Chile, making them outcasts in their own country. (El Tirapiedras)

From these population movements, entirely under the sovereign authority of the Argentine Republic, Chilean General Floody would complain, associating them with an act of war. No joke.





Following with the story, both routes converge at Laguna Cabeza de Mar where, if two coordinated invasion forces were to set out, they could regroup and continue on to Punta Arenas. The road to Punta Arenas via CH-9 is a coastal route highly vulnerable to air attacks and ambushes or hit-and-run strikes. The route leads the force to the core of Chilean regional military power: the Chabunco air base and, opposite it, the headquarters of the III Army Division.



Chilean defensive lines

Chile would have adopted a defence-in-depth strategy, as declared by the general in charge of the Army Division (Southern Theatre of Operations). The first line of defence could already have been sited at Monte Aymond and its surroundings, right on the frontier. That line was, from the few photographs gathered, a jumble of foxholes and trenches, with poorly equipped soldiers — undoubtedly cannon fodder to wear down the advance.

When a penetration of this kind occurs, the theory of war leads us to think of three phases for the force facing it:

  1. Containment: Hold the penetration in place — that is, stop it or slow it so it cannot continue to advance.
  2. Flanking: Begin moving forces to the flanks of the penetration, basically to the sectors close to where the breach began. This is done to operate on those flanks simultaneously and “strangle” the penetration by cutting the enemy’s communications with its rear.
  3. Annihilation: The detailed destruction of the encircled troops (death or capture).


Here, Chilean troops would have built forward positions to slow the enemy’s advance. Anti-tank guns and conventional field artillery — not in great quantity or variety — are visible in photographs and documentaries. Probably the best trans-Andean weaponry in this phase was the deployment of anti-tank mines. A second line of defence would be at San Gregorio, with fortifications, minefields and trenches ready to resist an assault. From there to the regional capital, various points could be fortified. The final defence is concentrated around Punta Arenas, where troops, long-range artillery and the best anti-tank defences are assembled.



See below the “Maginot line” that Chilean strategists had developed: simple trenches and foxholes. The soldier in the front line is using an old bolt-action Mauser 1909 rifle from the First World War.

Photo of a “foxhole” with a Chilean infantryman armed with a bolt-action Mauser rifle near Monte Aymond

The Chilean defence-in-depth would probably have included:

  • First line of defence: Forward positions at Monte Aymond and surrounding areas.
  • Second line of defence: Fortifications and trenches around San Gregorio along Route CH-40, and ambushes from wooded areas between Laguna Arauco and Primavera. Trenches at Laguna Cabeza de Mar (Arancia Clavel and Bulnes Serrano, 2017:164). All bridges were fitted with explosive charges, cavalry units armed with anti-tank rockets were sent forward, and night firing zones were prepared and properly “staked out” and painted to avoid confusion (AC&BS, 2017:141).
  • Final defence: Fortifications and troops concentrated near Punta Arenas, including long-range artillery and anti-tank defences (few and outdated in the ECh inventory of that period). Many civilians actively collaborated in the mobilisation. Much of the vehicles and heavy machinery used in the construction of trenches, shelters, watch posts and anti-tank ditches was provided by local businessmen. In turn, ranch owners made available sheds to house troops and store equipment and supplies (AC&BS, 2017:114).

It should be noted that this scenario contained several factors that emerged over time. For example, Chilean forces lacked anti-tank mines and ammunition was scarce. The soldiers in the first line of defence were placed as cannon fodder, with only 80 cartridges per weapon and no resupply. Many — perhaps too many — indicators showed that Chile was very, very poorly prepared for war.


The stalemate of the advance

The Argentine advance faced its first major test at San Gregorio, where Chilean defences would be well prepared and the terrain favoured the defenders. Here, the advance would slow considerably, turning into a battle of attrition. The apparently most fortified area was the road in the lagoon zone of Cabeza de Mar.

From Rospentek, the troops would have to overcome harassment attacks and construct bridges over river crossings where the bridges had been destroyed. Once joined with the forces coming from Río Gallegos, they would need to regroup and assess the damage and the reorganisation of the advance.

There is a key issue to bear in mind throughout this entire campaign: Argentine air superiority. The only Chilean air base in the Area of Operations was Chabunco, in Punta Arenas. That air base was to be attacked by the Argentine Air Force in the early hours of the advance, and finished off later that same afternoon by the Naval Aviation Command. Any resistance put up by Chilean ground forces would then have to endure continued aerial harassment.

How many examples are there of ground defences being immune to simultaneous air and land attacks? Imagine a pocket of Chilean resistance — perhaps an artillery battery hidden in a ravine, or machine-gun nests strategically positioned along the route of advance. The Argentine military commander would simply need to pass the coordinates to Río Gallegos, to the dispersal airstrip at Estancia La Sara, or to the naval air base at Río Grande, so that aircraft from both air branches could deliver machine-gun fire, bombs or rockets to dismantle the defence.

These same options were not available to the Chilean commander.

Armored Regiment No. 5 "Punta Arenas", deployed in 1978 in the Magallanes region. The Scorpion Detachment advances, in M-41 tanks and M-113 armoured personnel carriers.

Countering the Chilean defence

To overcome this obstacle, Argentina could deploy the XI Mechanised Infantry Brigade to penetrate and disrupt the initial defences. Argentine artillery would bombard the Chilean positions, while airborne units and the air force would carry out flanking manoeuvres and provide crucial air support.

 

  • The XI Mechanised Infantry Brigade must penetrate and disorganise the initial defences.
  • Artillery forces to bombard defensive positions.
  • Airborne units and Air Force for flanking and air support.
  • The Chabunco air base would have to be put out of action for the advance to succeed.


Trans-Andean soldiers firing the service SIG rifle

Airborne assault on Punta Arenas

In the context of this conflict, Argentine forces planned a bold airborne assault on Punta Arenas. Accounts from veterans of this crisis, particularly from the 14th Parachute Infantry Regiment based in Córdoba, indicate that an airborne assault was being planned to capture the city of Punta Arenas. For this purpose, BAM Río Gallegos was already hosting DC-3 and C-130 transport aircraft ready for the operation.

The main objectives of this assault included seizing Presidente Carlos Ibáñez del Campo Airport, thereby securing a vital bridgehead for the continuous flow of troops and supplies. It would also focus on destroying Chilean command and control facilities to disrupt their defences, and on capturing the port and key logistical installations, thus cutting off enemy supplies and reinforcements.

This could be achieved following a surprise Air Base Attack (ABA) carried out by the Argentine Air Force using A-4 Skyhawks and BAC Canberras at H+2 of the invasion.


Main objectives:

  • Capture Presidente Carlos Ibáñez del Campo Airport to secure a bridgehead and allow the continuous flow of troops and supplies.
  • Destroy command-and-control facilities to disorganise Chilean forces.
  • Seize the port and principal logistical installations to cut supplies and reinforcements.




Entry into Punta Arenas

Argentine armour and mechanised infantry would move rapidly along Route 9, advancing with lethal precision. Armoured vehicles would adopt line formations to maximise frontal firepower, while infantry units would follow closely, ready to disembark and secure the streets. A secondary column would advance along road Y-505, flanking the Chilean defences and dividing their attention.

Objectives in the city

The Port of Punta Arenas was one of the principal objectives. By the time of the ground assault the actual condition of the airport would need to be assessed, since it would probably already have been put out of action by an initial air attack by the Argentine Air Force (case analysed in this link). Controlling the port would allow Argentine forces to secure a vital supply line and receive maritime reinforcements. Specialised commandos and mechanised infantry units would be deployed to seize the docks and port facilities, facing fierce Chilean resistance.

The Presidente Carlos Ibáñez del Campo Airport and its annex, the Chabunco air base, would also be crucial. Controlling the airport would guarantee an airhead, allowing the continuous transport of troops and supplies. Argentine airborne and rapid-assault units, already familiar with the terrain from their operations at Chabunco, would be launched in a swift offensive to secure the runways and neutralise any resistance. There would be a high probability of runways and facilities being blown up to deny their use to the attackers. It was entirely to be expected that, before falling into the hands of Argentine troops, the locals would demolish all installations crucial to their operation.

Government and communications buildings will be equally strategic. Battle-hardened Argentine forces will infiltrate the city center to capture the Magallanes Intendancy and the police headquarters, seeking to disrupt Chilean defenses and establish administrative control. These will undoubtedly be the most savage scenes imaginable throughout the campaign, due to the very nature of urban combat.


The capture of Punta Arenas

Urban resistance

As Argentine troops pushed into Punta Arenas, they would encounter tenacious resistance at several key points. The Civic Centre area, with its government and commercial buildings, would undoubtedly become a battlefield. Chilean troops, entrenched inside buildings, would mount an organised defence, slowing the Argentine advance.

In the 18 de Septiembre neighbourhood, a dense residential area of mostly wooden houses, Chilean forces would adopt urban guerrilla tactics. Ambushes, snipers and improvised barricades turned every street and every house into a point of resistance. Fighting intensified, with Argentine troops battling house by house to clear the area. It would also prove an area very easy to destroy with fire, given the predominance of wood in its construction.


The industrial zone north of the city could also be a focus of resistance. Chilean defenses, using industrial equipment and heavy vehicles as barricades, would turn factories and warehouses into makeshift fortifications. Argentine troops should consider deploying specialized assault units to overcome these defenses.


Trans-Andean soldiers armed with SIG rifles parading

Argentine Strategies

To counter Chilean resistance, Argentine forces deployed a combination of tactics and resources. The use of artillery and air support would be crucial to weaken defenses before the ground assault. Precise bombing raids disrupted Chilean lines, facilitating the advance of ground units.


Paratroopers from the Leopardo Company of the 2nd "General Balcarce" Airborne Infantry Regiment, Argentine Army, Ushuaia, November 1978

Commando operations (the newly created Halcón 8 special team) and paratroopers would play a pivotal role. Elite units infiltrated the city to neutralize strategic points, capturing key objectives quickly and with the fewest casualties possible. These commandos would carry out surgical strikes against Chilean defenses, facilitating the advance of the main forces.


Urban warfare would become the main focus. Mechanized patrols, assault teams, and specialized urban combat units would systematically advance, facing fierce resistance but managing to secure key areas. Coordination and communication would be essential to maintain the momentum of the advance.

Population Control and Stabilization

Finally, to maintain control of the city and prevent acts of sabotage, Argentine forces would establish checkpoints and conduct regular patrols. The constant presence of troops would help stabilize the situation and ensure that the city remained under Argentine control after the capture of the main objectives. Acts of guerrilla warfare and resistance would be expected throughout the period.



The Fall

The capture of Punta Arenas would be a complex and bloody operation, testing the capabilities and determination of the Argentine forces. Their numerical and material superiority would give them a significant advantage, but the Chilean resistance, taking advantage of their knowledge of the terrain and well-prepared defenses, would turn each advance into a fierce struggle. The city would eventually fall, but at a significant human cost to both sides.

 

Probability analysis of success

Argentina’s numerical and material superiority is evident: a ratio of 5:1 in armour, 4:1 in aircraft and 3:1 in infantry. These advantages, together with strategic planning and tactical execution, suggest a high probability of success for Argentina in the capture of Punta Arenas. However, Chile’s preparation and defensive strategy, making use of knowledge of the terrain and defence in depth, also held possibilities of success.

Probability of success for Argentina: 70%
Probability of success for Chile: 40%

Argentina:

  • Probability of success: High, due to numerical and material superiority (armour, aircraft and infantry), although it would face significant difficulties in terrain and well-prepared defences.

  • Estimated success: 70%

Chile:

  • Probability of success: Moderate, considering defence in depth and knowledge of the terrain, although outnumbered and out-equipped.

  • Estimated success: 40%


Tanks entering 18 de Septiembre slum

Estimated casualties

Casualties in this conflict would be significant for both sides, reflecting the intensity of the fighting and the well-prepared defences.

  • Estimated Argentine casualties: minimum of 15,000–20,000 (including dead, wounded and prisoners)

  • Estimated Chilean casualties: minimum of 15,000–40,000 (including dead, wounded, prisoners and civilians depending on their degree of involvement)

These estimates underline the human cost of a conflict which, although hypothetical, reflects the gravity of a military escalation between two neighbouring nations.


Summary

An armoured campaign by the Argentine Army against Chilean forces in the Magallanes region would have been a bloody affair under any consideration. The possibility of success existed, but it was by no means guaranteed. With time and when comparing opposing analyses from each side, it becomes clear that, from the Chilean perspective, many potential Argentine attacks would have been completely surprising and even innovative, despite being drawn straight from doctrinal manuals since the Second World War. The Chilean defensive scheme was classical — one could even say out of yellowed pages of defensive tactics books. A layered tactical and static defence, but with a severe shortage of resources, making them like bricks without mortar. And here I refer to the very comments of the mining explosives producer turned arms magnate in exile, Mr Cardoen. In an interview for a state television programme across the Andes, he himself remarked that the armed forces had requested his services to produce anti-tank mines since the Chilean Army had none at all in its inventory. In other words, the defence of Magallanes was not going to be flooded with AT mines — far from it — perhaps one of the key elements to slow an armoured advance. Not my words, I repeat. Without that, Mr Floody’s defence looks like a giant scarecrow.

On the other hand, it is essential to point out the alarming overestimation that the organiser of the defence, the aforementioned Mr Floody Buxton, gave to the Carabineros. This is, indisputably, a civilian border police force, and under no circumstances should it be considered a combat force. It is possible that this man intended to make use of their vast knowledge as baqueanos of the region or through intelligence with infiltrated farmhands, but did this officer of British descent really think he could successfully face an armoured or airborne assault with Carabineros? Did Floody truly believe he could entrust his life and the defence of Punta Arenas to a militarised police force without any wartime record? Worse still, their only “combat record” had been invading Argentine territory at Lago del Desierto. There, a Carabineros patrol stationed itself for several days with SIG rifles, entrenched in a shed turned checkpoint, defending the position. No need to invoke La Concepción or Prat: at the first burst from the gendarmes, which killed one Chilean soldier, all the Carabineros surrendered. All of them. Was that the force upon which this “majestic” general pinned his hopes? By any analysis, both in terms of function and of record, Floody was completely mistaken.

Finally, and the final blow, Chile lacked air superiority. What would the Chilean infantry or cavalry, even entrenched in a well-planned defensive position, have done when 450- or 500-kilogram bombs fell on their position with impunity? Historical evidence shows that troops in defensive positions have managed to survive air or artillery attacks (Monte Cassino, Stalingrad, among others). However, it is obvious that this is not the side of the battlefield the troops wished to be on, and there is also further evidence that defensive positions have been dismantled by overwhelming air attacks that disarmed and demoralized the resistance.

All analyses lead to an inexorable Chilean defeat in which, at best, a stalemate might have been achieved within current Chilean territory. The damage to local infrastructure would have been in the billions, and human casualties in the tens of thousands. A scenario, in every respect, lamentable. This fear instilled in the Chilean armed forces, together with the Malvinas event in 1982, would shape that country’s entire defence policy up to the present day.

Citations

Patricia Arancibia Clavel, Francisco Bulnes Serrano. La escuadra en acción. 1978: el conflicto Chile-Argentina visto a través de sus protagonistas. Santiago, Chile: Catalonia, 2017. ISBN: 978-956-324-298-0