Showing posts with label operational performance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label operational performance. Show all posts

Sunday, June 7, 2026

Malvinas: The Performance of the Argentine Submarines

Argentine submarines in the Malvinas conflict

Alexander Mitrofanov || Top War



Submarine S-21 Santa Fe


At the outbreak of the armed conflict, the Argentine Navy had four submarines. Two of them, S-22 Santiago del Estero and S-21 Santa Fe, had been built in the United States in 1944 as SS-341 Chivo and SS-339 Catfish, respectively, and belonged to the Balao class. Between 1948 and 1949, Catfish was modernised under the GUPPY II programme, and in 1961 Chivo was modernised under the GUPPY IIA programme. In 1971, the submarines were transferred to Argentina. Santiago del Estero was decommissioned in 1981, and Santa Fe met the same fate between August and September 1982.


SS-339 Catfish in 1946


SS-339 Catfish after her modernisation, 1969.


SS-339 Catfish before and after the upgrade

The fleet also included two modern Type 209 submarines. These submarines were designed in West Germany by Ingenieurkontor Lübeck, Project IK-68, and their sections were built at the HDW shipyards in Kiel. In 1974, after being assembled in Argentina, the submarines S-31 Salta and S-32 San Luis joined the Argentine fleet. When used skilfully, these submarines represented a serious threat. A good example is provided by their sister submarines in the Peruvian Navy. During the inter-American Unitas-1996 exercises, for example, Pisagua sank the US SSN Narwhal six times, always being the first to attack the surface ships. In 2001, during the US-Peruvian SIFOREX-2001 exercises, a Peruvian submarine sank a US frigate. Since then, every year one of the Peruvian submarines has taken part in US anti-submarine exercises in the Atlantic, based at Norfolk.


Argentine Type 209 submarine

At the outbreak of hostilities, only S-32 San Luis was operational, while her sister, S-31 Salta, was undergoing repairs. She sailed in mid-April, but because of excessive noise, never entered combat. To replace the Balao-class submarines, the submarines S-41 Santa Cruz and S-42 San Juan were being built in West Germany to the TR 1700 design. The most experienced submariners were assigned to commission them, creating certain difficulties in manning the remaining submarines. Construction of four more submarines of this type was planned at a Buenos Aires shipyard. Had this plan been implemented, it would have given the military junta led by General Galtieri a very persuasive argument: eight latest-generation submarines.

Specifications S-21 Santa Fe S-32 San Luis
Displacement, t:
surfaced
submerged
1870
2340
1248
1440
Maximum length, m 93.9 55.9
Maximum beam, m 8.3 6.3
Mean draught, m 5.2 5.5
Hull design type double hull single hull
Operational diving depth, m 150 250 (max. 500)
Endurance, days ? 50
Number × power (type) of diesel engines, hp 4 × ? (General Motors 16-278A) 4 × 600 (MTU 12V493AZ80)
Number × power of electric propulsion motors, hp 2 × 2400 1 × 4600
Maximum speed, knots:
surfaced
under snorkel
submerged
18
9
15 - one hour, 6 - 34 days
10
11
22
Range (at speed, knots), miles:
surfaced
economical submerged
10,000 (10)
95 (5)
6000 (8)
400 (4)
Torpedo armament:
number of torpedo tubes (bow/stern) × calibre, mm
torpedo stowage (type)
10 (6/4) × 533
24 (Mk 14, Mk 37)
8 × 533
14 (SST-4, Mk 37)

Main tactical and technical characteristics of Argentine submarines

Actions of the submarine "Santa Fe"


In late March 1982, the Argentine Armed Forces launched Operation Rosario to recover the Malvinas Islands and South Georgia. Three naval forces were created for this purpose: a covering force, Task Force 20; a landing force for the Malvinas, Task Force 40; and a landing force for South Georgia, Task Force 60. Task Force 40 included a landing ship, two transports, two destroyers, two corvettes and the submarine S-21 Santa Fe. The submarine was assigned two missions: first, to land the tactical group Task Unit 40.1.1, made up of 13 naval special-forces combat divers, Agrupación de Buzos Tácticos - APBT, near Cape San Felipe, north of Port Stanley, to capture the Cape Pembroke lighthouse and Port Stanley airport — this mission was later cancelled — and to reconnoitre and mark the main force landing area, the "Yellow Zone"; the second was to patrol the assigned area.

Due to her poor technical condition, the submarine’s combat value was practically nil: worn batteries required a long time to charge and limited the time she could remain submerged, some of the torpedo tubes were inoperative and many systems were unreliable. The maximum diving depth was reduced to 120 m.

At 23:00 on 27 March, Santa Fe, under Captain Horacio Bicain and with an ARVT detachment commanded by Captain Alfredo Cufré, left the Mar del Plata naval base. Despite strong winds, the passage passed without incident on 28 March. The next day, taking advantage of improved weather, ARVT carried out a landing exercise with personnel in inflatable boats in sea state 2 to 3. Later, the wind increased to 40-50 km/h, prompting the order to delay the start of the operation by 24 hours, until 22:00 on 30 April; the landing had initially been scheduled for 1 April.

On 31 March, the submarine approached the north-eastern coast of Gran Malvina (East Falkland) to reconnoitre the currents and determine the landing area. The sonar operators detected the sound of a propeller, and periscope observations revealed lights on the shore, vehicle movement and a ship leaving Port Stanley; this ship was the Royal Navy’s A171 Endurance, en route to South Georgia.

On 1 April, the submarine commander received an order changing the combat mission, under which the APBT was to mark the "Red Section" landing area north of the previously planned landing zone. At 12:30 on 1 April, due to an electrical fault, the submarine lost radio contact, and at 17:30 the submarine and APBT commanders decided to begin the landing without waiting for contact with command. While approaching the coast at 23:50, the radar station failed and did not work again until 1:00 a.m. The landing took place north of Punta Celebronya, near Rinión Island. At 2:30, the APBT began boarding three inflatable boats, which set off from one side and reached the shore at 2:50. At 3:35, the reconnaissance and marking with signal lights of the main force landing area in York Bay was successfully completed. Shortly afterwards, the 2nd Battalion of the Argentine Marine Corps landed here from the landing ship Cabo San Antonio.


Routes of the Argentine naval force for the capture of South Georgia and the Malvinas Islands.


Capture of Port Stanley: 1 - Argentine landing in the Malvinas Islands; 2 - Reconnaissance by the submarine Santa Fe and marking of the "red section" of the landing between 02:30 and 03:35 on 2 April 1982; 5 - Landing of marines from Cabo San Antonio at 06:30 on 2 April 1982.

Santa Fe then moved to patrol area 080 San Felipe 60, 100 miles east of Port Stanley, before returning to Mar del Plata on 7 April. The trip back to base was not without incidents: communications were intermittent, the cooling system suffered constant failures, the bilge pumps could only operate at periscope depth, the main engines’ oil consumption exceeded all permitted limits, and the outer cover of the rubbish-disposal hatch jammed open.

Personnel from the Mar del Plata Naval Arsenal and Santa Fe worked non-stop for eight days to fix the problems and prepare the submarine for deployment. Twenty-three torpedoes, 20 Mk14 and the rest Mk37, fuel, fresh water and provisions for 60 days were loaded aboard. At that time, the arsenal had only 12 torpedoes of the required type, received from the United States along with the submarines, so the remaining torpedoes were provided by "friendly" countries — Peru? The Mk37 torpedoes could only be fired from the bow torpedo tubes.


Mk14 torpedo


Mk37 torpedo

Santa Fe’s main mission was to deliver 20 marines, Golf Group, armed with Bantam anti-tank missiles, recoilless guns and anti-tank grenade launchers to reinforce the South Georgia garrison, four tonnes of ammunition and equipment, and a new commander for the Argentine garrison on the island. The boat would subsequently patrol north of the island. Owing to uncertainty over the outcome of diplomatic negotiations between Britain and Argentina, Horacio Bicain was ordered to avoid engaging the enemy first, which considerably reduced his chances of success.

Santa Fe sailed from Mar del Plata at 23:30 on 16 April, and a few miles out new problems arose. The electrical control system of the propulsion system failed, leaving the boat adrift for three hours while repairs were made. The following day, the piston of diesel engine No. 1 failed, requiring 24 hours to bring it back into service. On 19 April, a failure in the cooling-pump gear caused diesel engine No. 4 to overheat. Emergency repairs with epoxy resins took 48 hours. This caused a delay in the planned landing.

On 20 April, due to bad weather, the submarine was forced to dive and continue the voyage submerged, which further delayed the landing. Between 21 and 22 April, despite a strong storm, Santa Fe continued surfacing, causing damage to the bridge rail and superstructure. The submarine submerged again. The damaged hull vibrated, interfering with the sonar system and revealing the submarine’s presence.

On 23 April they surfaced to find and remove the source of the noise. By then, the delay had reached 36 hours. That afternoon, the Antarctic patrol ship HMS Endurance intercepted a coded radio message indicating the presence of an enemy submarine, presumably Santa Fe, 100 miles from South Georgia. This caused some concern among the British command, as two British tankers were in the area transferring fuel from one ship to another.

The frigate HMS Plymouth was sent to the area to protect the tankers and escort them beyond the 200-mile zone. Admiral Sandy Woodward noted in his memoirs, One Hundred Days:

Tension was rising and the operation in South Georgia seemed to be stalled by fear of an Argentine submarine. Unfortunately, the range of our patrol aircraft from Ascension Island was insufficient.

The frigate HMS Brilliant and the nuclear submarine HMS Conqueror were sent to reinforce the British anti-submarine force heading for the island.

Santa Fe received information on the location of British ships near South Georgia from Argentine Air Force reconnaissance aircraft, C-130 Hercules and Boeing 707. For example, Endurance intercepted radio signals from the Boeing addressed to the submarine, indicating that it was heading towards the island to deploy special forces and had orders to sink Endurance.


HMS Endurance

In the early hours of 24 April, news was received that British forces had begun the liberation of South Georgia. Santa Fe’s commander received orders to speed up the operation. It was decided to head for Cape North, the western end of the island, and then to Cumberland Bay. The boat remained surfaced all night, submerged at 5:00 a.m. and snorkelled until dusk.

At 11:30 p.m., Santa Fe reached her destination and, stopping one mile from King Edward Point, unloaded Golf Group and the cargo between 2:30 a.m. and 4:30 a.m. using a motor launch captured from a British polar station. After completing the unloading, the boat’s commander decided to seek shelter in one of the many bays, carry out repairs and then proceed to the patrol area. But one hour later, when the boat was five miles from Grytviken, the administrative centre of the British Overseas Territory of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, a battle alarm sounded: radar detected an approaching air target.


South Georgia

It was a Wessex helicopter piloted by Lieutenant Commander Stanley from the destroyer HMS Antrim. The destroyer’s sonar detected the noise of the Argentine submarine at a distance of approximately 50 miles. The helicopter dropped two Mk II depth charges, with fuzes set to minimum depth, which detonated off the starboard stern. The resulting damage prevented the submarine from diving. The submariners, in turn, opened fire on the Wessex with small arms.


A Wasp helicopter with an AS 12 missile


Wasp helicopter attacks Santa Fe


Depth-charge attack on Santa Fe

The Sea Lynx and Wasp helicopters from HMS Endurance, HMS Plymouth and HMS Brilliant arrived shortly afterwards, launching a Mk 46 torpedo, which passed beneath the submarine’s hull, and attacking her with AS 12 missiles and machine-gun fire. Three AS 12 missiles struck the fibreglass structure of the conning tower but did not detonate, disabling the snorkel and other retractable devices and seriously wounding a crew member. To avoid further casualties, Bikain ordered the crew to take shelter inside the pressure hull and, at 7:30, approached the quay at King Edward Point using a periscope.

Under cover of fire from the Argentine marines, the submariners abandoned their boat and took refuge ashore. A few hours later, the South Georgia garrison surrendered to the British with virtually no resistance; the island had been called San Pedro for only 23 days. The only fatal casualty of the operation was a Santa Fe sailor, who was immediately evacuated by helicopter to Antrim, where he underwent a successful leg-amputation operation.


A Sea Lynx helicopter with a torpedo slung underneath.


Frigate HMS Brilliant

The captured Argentines were housed in a building near the quay. Santa Fe’s commander requested permission for several members of his crew to return aboard the submarine to collect personal belongings, food and medical supplies. The request was granted, and half a dozen petty officers, escorted by British marines, boarded the submarine. Some managed to enter the heads and the galley and open the water-system valves to flood the submarine. The next day, the British decided to re-moor the boat about 400 metres from the quay of the old whaling plant in Grytviken, since the ammunition and batteries aboard posed a serious danger. In addition to the submarine’s commander, six other crew members took part in the mooring, supervised by a group of British marines. By then, the submarine’s stern had begun to sink, and a rotary blower was used to empty the ballast tanks and maintain buoyancy. Propulsion was provided by electric motors, using remaining electrical power. During the re-mooring, a tragedy occurred: Petty Officer Félix Artuso, who was operating the compressor and the diving-and-surfacing system valves, was killed. The English sentry, unfamiliar with submarines, mistook Artuso’s rapid movements — he had to operate 24 valves simultaneously — for an attempt to sink the submarine. The submariner did not understand English and did not respond to the warnings. The sentry fired a burst from his Sterling submachine gun.


Félix Artuso

Under these circumstances, the mooring was cancelled and, a few days later, Santa Fe sank at her mooring in 20 metres of water, listing to port. Only the superstructure railing remained afloat. The deceased submariner was buried with military honours in the local cemetery. The remaining crew members were transferred aboard the tanker RFA Tidespring to Ascension Island, and from there a chartered KLM aircraft flew to Montevideo.


The funeral of F. Artuso in Grytviken cemetery.


Santa Fe semi-submerged at the Grytviken quay.

After the end of the war, the British Ministry of Defence decided to refloat Santa Fe, which was obstructing the quay and, moreover, whose torpedoes and other ammunition aboard posed a serious danger. Work began at the end of June and was carried out by the crews of Endurance, the tug Typhoon and the salvage vessel Salvageman. Their task was to pump the water from the flooded compartments using portable pumps and, subsequently, to empty the ballast tanks with the compressed air remaining in the submarine’s cylinders. The situation was complicated by the virtual absence of submarine-engineering specialists; only two Endurance officers, a hydrographer and a supply officer, had served briefly in a submarine. There were also no plans of the submarine. Nevertheless, after more than two weeks of intense work, Santa Fe was afloat again, albeit with a 25-degree list.


Santa Fe alongside Salvageman after the boat had been raised.

This is how Endurance’s commander, N. Barker, described the scene that unfolded before the British sailors:

We also discovered a considerable collection of weapons, including torpedoes, mines, boxes of small arms, ammunition and explosives. Four homing torpedoes were piled up in the bunks, as if they were plague victims. A large number of torpedoes were stored on racks, in the removable deck flooring and in the torpedo tubes. One of the tubes was empty; they were probably trying to sink one of our ships, and it may have been us!
On 15 July, a team of specialists arrived from England to inspect Santa Fe, which had been pumped out. We all recognised a serious problem: the large quantities of TNT, which were drying out rapidly, were becoming increasingly unstable. Thanks to our efforts, Santa Fe had become a floating time bomb.


The divers prepare to inspect Santa Fe.

Therefore, it was decided to tow the vessel to a safer place and beach her there with the hatches and bulkhead doors open. It was believed that this would gradually flood the compartments and make the wet TNT safe again.


Santa Fe is being towed to the beach.

Between 1984 and 1985, after four months of work — the divers made 868 dives — the RMAS rescue ships Goosander and Salvageman, using 10 inflatable pontoons, refloated the submarine on 11 February 1985 and, after removing harmful substances, including diesel fuel, attempted to tow her to deep water away from the coast on 20 February 1985, Operation Okehampton, but the submarine sank 5 miles north of South Georgia at a depth of 350 m.


Raising of Santa Fe


Santa Fe is being towed to the sinking site.

To be continued ...

Sunday, May 17, 2026

Malvinas: On How the AAF Operated the Pucará

 

This is how we had to operate with the Pucará

Account taken from the book “With God in the Soul and a Falcon in the Heart”
Narrated by: Captain Grunert — Pucará pilot
Date: 1 May 1982
Place: Darwin
Flight: Captain Grunert, No. 1; Lieutenant Calderón, No. 2; Lieutenant Russo, No. 3; and Lieutenant Cimbaro, No. 4
Weather: calm wind, 3/8 Ac. As. — altocumulus and altostratus. Almost half the sky covered.

Take-off: night-time.

At approximately 05:00 hours we were woken by the Squadron Commander, Major “Toto” Navarro, who informed us that Puerto Argentino had been attacked at 04:40 hours and that we should prepare to take off at first light.

After the pre-flight briefing, we went to a small hut beside the runway to wait while the runway markers were put in place: two at the threshold, one on top of a half 200-litre drum, and another at the opposite threshold.

The flight that was to take off was designated, but since No. 1 and No. 2 were not ready, No. 3 and No. 4 were ordered to take off, in that order.

At the threshold we placed the two aircraft parallel to one another, in order to make use of as much ground as possible, since the field was very short and take-off was not safe. It was a semi-prepared strip laid out on a paddock, very soft and uneven.

While we were at the threshold, No. 1 and No. 2 were taxiing towards it.

During the take-off run, No. 3 put one of its undercarriage wheels into a hole, causing the pilot to lose control of the aircraft. It became completely airborne for approximately 15 seconds and then came down again on three points. By the time it reached the end of the runway, the aircraft was still 5 kilometres per hour below the speed needed for take-off. The departure was extremely rough, with the aircraft buffeting and its wheel striking the marker at the end of the strip.

At the end of the threshold, about 30 metres away, there was a wire fence covered with a kind of creeper roughly 1.5 metres high, which made the take-off even more critical.

Once airborne, No. 4 set course to the south, where we were to remain awaiting orders, while No. 1 and No. 2 were to carry out an offensive reconnaissance before rejoining in the southern sector of Cóndor Base, at Darwin.

No. 1 and No. 2 were unable to take off because No. 1 had an accident at the runway threshold. As a result, the only element available to carry out the mission was the section made up of No. 3 and No. 4.

After five minutes of waiting, the section headed towards the target: a British helicopter-borne landing — an attack with men transported by helicopters — near Puerto Argentino. The radar later informed us that the helicopters had disappeared. For that reason, and after overflying the area, we returned to our base of origin.

With fuel already down to the minimum, I contacted the tower and requested permission to enter the circuit. Permission was denied, and I was ordered to proceed to the alternative airfield, Calderón Naval Air Base, located on Isla Borbón.

Since my fuel gauge was almost at zero, I informed the tower and requested authorisation to land, but they repeated the previous instructions. On my third communication, I was ordered to reach the alternative by any means necessary, because Darwin had been under attack by enemy aircraft for the previous two hours.

The section reached Calderón with practically no fuel left, and No. 3 had to land with the nose wheel unlocked, since it had been twisted during take-off when it hit the hole. To make matters worse, this runway was even worse than the one at Cóndor Base: its surface was very soft and prone to flooding, something that would cause us serious problems in the future.

We were all eager to refuel and rearm, because the escape of our prey had left us full of frustration and with a strong desire to make them pay for the surprise attack of that early morning. But the days to come would more than give us the chance for a revenge we would never forget.

Saturday, March 7, 2026

A-4Q Skyhawk Last Outfit



The last “outfit” of the A-4Q Skyhawk

Sean Eternos los Laureles




This camouflage scheme is a consequence of the massacre of A-4Q “Skyhawks” at the hands of Sea Harriers on 21 May 1982 over San Carlos Strait. They detected them after being tracked by the CIC of HMS “Hermes” and vectored towards them; but when the British pilots reached the estimated area, they did not find the target because the A-4Qs were flying at sea level and the FRS.1’s Blue Fox radar did not have Doppler scan (on the FA.2 it was replaced by the more capable Blue Vixen with pulse-Doppler), so they could not pick up our Skyhawks. However, at the last moment they almost by chance spotted three white dots moving over a dark grey stretch of water in the strait, and that was enough: the Sea Harriers pounced on the Argentine Skyhawks, which at first had not even noticed their presence. Quickly, Márquez’s 3-A-314 was hit by 30 mm ADEN cannon fire from Leeming’s FRS.1 XZ500; and Philippi’s 3-A-307 was struck by an AIM-9L missile from Morrell’s FRS.1 XZ457. 



Both were shot down: Márquez was killed in that action, while Philippi managed to eject. Meanwhile, César Arca in 3-A-312 spotted what was happening and began desperate evasive manoeuvres, limited by the low-level flight profile he was maintaining (seeking to “merge” with enemy radars and missiles using ground/sea clutter), until a number of 30 mm ADEN rounds from Morrell’s FRS.1 XZ457 hit him as well. Even so, thanks to his impressive skill on the stick and pedals (he had no other defence), Arca managed to escape with his damaged Skyhawk, and the Sea Harriers, already short of fuel, could not pursue him at sea level, where their Mk.104 Pegasus engines would guzzle kerosene at rates that would prevent them returning to the carrier. Thus, with serious damage and leaking fuel, unable to get back to Río Grande, Tierra del Fuego, Arca managed to fly as far as Puerto Argentino in the hope of making an emergency landing on the runway. But controllers on the ground warned him that one leg of the landing gear had not deployed. At that point Arca decided to abandon the aircraft, since landing on the runway was impossible. He ejected while the aircraft continued flying and began to turn, threatening to collide with the pilot already hanging under his parachute—so from the ground the decision was taken to shoot the aircraft down with Argentine anti-aircraft artillery, and it crashed some 400 metres from the runway.

The A-4Qs had already completed their attack on the Type 21 frigate HMS “Ardent”, which was also attacked by other Navy A-4Qs, and by Air Force Daggers and A-4Bs, and ended up sinking (as can be clearly seen in the photos. Attack and sinking of HMS “Ardent”. But during their escape, Philippi’s 1st Section was betrayed by its light grey paint (which from a distance looked white to the Sea Harrier pilots!!!) against the dark South Atlantic, and that proved fatal for Skyhawks in retreat: with no warning systems or active or passive countermeasures, with no weapons to defend themselves (even the 20 mm ammunition for the Colt cannons had already been fired at “Ardent”), and without enough fuel to manoeuvre in air combat and then reach the KC-130H tankers and return to the mainland.

The A-4Qs were cleared to carry AIM-9B Sidewinder missiles; in fact, on 1 and 2 May 1982, two A-4Qs were aboard the aircraft carrier ARA “25 de Mayo” in an air-defence role (the other six A-4Qs were held with bombs to attack enemy ships), when—together with the two Argentine Type 42 destroyers (ARA “Hércules” and ARA “Santísima Trinidad”)—it tried to close within range of the Task Force. Despite having two aircraft carriers equipped with between 24 and 28 Sea Harrier fighters, and having between 6 and 10 escorting destroyers and frigates, the British avoided combat thanks to their higher speed. They could have ended the war that same day if they had managed to destroy the small Argentine naval group, since at all times they knew the Argentine formation’s position—whether through satellite tracking provided by the USA, and also by the nuclear submarine HMS “Spartan”, which from 28 or 29 April was pursuing the Argentine carrier; and even via a Sea Harrier that, while trying to shoot down an Argentine S-2E Tracker, came within range of the Argentine escorts’ Sea Dart missiles and had to break off. The Royal Navy, at the maximum speed its engines could provide, preferred to run away from the Argentine Navy!

It is evident that, face to face—and with sufficient anti-aircraft armament and fuel in the capable Skyhawks, and with our Navy’s experienced pilots—the outcome might have been very different…; because on 1 and 2 May a British naval force two to three times larger than the Argentine naval formation, and with three or more times Argentina’s air capability, the Royal Navy chose to flee for two whole days at full speed rather than confront Argentine sailors with their old aircraft—already suspecting the lethality of our pilots with their ageing mounts and weapons.

But on 21 May the die was cast. Much of the Royal Navy was anchored in San Carlos Bay landing troops, with the rest sailing nearby to block the entry routes of Argentine air attack formations. Thanks to experienced British commanders who planned the defensive scheme well, almost every approach run towards the enemy troop and cargo transports was covered by British escorts, so that Argentine aircraft inevitably ran into frigates or destroyers (which in turn covered one another and were also covered from land by Rapier missile launchers) before our aircraft could reach the transports. Again and again they were forced to bomb escorts without being able to strike the transports. In that picture, the case of HMS “Ardent” was different: in the middle of San Carlos Strait she was shelling Argentine positions at Darwin, seeking to pin them down to prevent them moving towards the San Carlos beachhead—something impossible for our troops, who could only arrive on foot with whatever weapons and ammunition they could carry, exposed to enemy air and naval attacks, to face thousands of well-equipped and well-supported British troops. But the British did not want to risk the entire landing operation because of that. And once again they risked an escort ship to achieve their aims (that is what such ships are for), and HMS “Ardent” was that ship. By harassing Argentine troops ashore, she quickly drew the attention of Argentine aviation and concentrated no fewer than five attack missions involving more than 15 aircraft, which tore her to pieces—while also drawing attacks away from the beachhead. Argentina lost three A-4Q fighter-bombers, curiously—and this is the key detail—because they were painted white, which is how British pilots perceived them from a distance, intercepted them and shot them down. In other circumstances at that distance, aircraft camouflaged like the Air Force Daggers and A-4Bs would have gone unnoticed (not at closer range, where they would still have been spotted by eye). The camouflage scheme of Argentina’s naval Skyhawks, obviously combined with the circumstances and the long-range attack profile—fuel-limited, without passive-defence systems, without self-defence missiles, and flying at sea level as the only form of evasion—proved fatal for the Argentine aircraft.

The Argentine Navy took note of this as operations developed, realising that the US Navy scheme on Argentina’s naval fighter-bombers was not suitable for the South Atlantic. And so, after this incident, they set about “hiding” the conspicuous Skyhawks from the enemy’s eye.

On that basis, several schemes were tested during and after the war, as seen in the images, all of them far more effective than the US Navy’s pearl-grey/white. In the end it was concluded that naval grey was the most suitable, both because these aircraft operated primarily over a naval environment, and because it also proved effective over land—at least in island theatres and along the Patagonian coasts of the South Atlantic. In addition, insignia and numbers were reduced or eliminated to the minimum, although a striking light blue and white rudder was retained, which—while suitable for peacetime—would very likely have been covered or blurred in wartime, in the manner of British Sea Harriers and Harriers during the conflict. On the way to the Malvinas they removed all markings that might stand out to the human eye (or optical sensors) in a theatre like the South Atlantic, even eliminating the white ring of the roundel on wings and fuselage—including on the Vulcans, Victors, Nimrods and Hercules used from Ascension Island, and the Phantoms that provided air defence at Ascension.

On the underside of the Skyhawks, a medium-tone grey was adopted, more compatible with the sky when viewed by enemy anti-aircraft gunners with the aircraft silhouetted against a sky background.

This was the scheme with which the Douglas A-4Q Skyhawk “retired” from the Argentine Navy without receiving an adequate replacement, around 1988, although some aircraft still flew in the old US Navy scheme, since it was known their service life would soon end—as it did—and they did not invest even in paint to camouflage them. Even so, it is obvious that if a mobilisation like those of 1982—or even 1978—had occurred (in 1978 very effective protective schemes had also been tested), it is hard to understand why, as soon as the Argentine mobilisation to respond to the British attack began in 1982 (from 7 April), the Skyhawks were not camouflaged. The Task Force sailed on 5 April towards the Malvinas, but Argentina waited 48 more hours before decreeing a massive mobilisation of troops and equipment to the islands, waiting to see what measures the UN would adopt, since Resolution 502 of 3 April 1982—requiring a cessation of hostilities and withdrawal of troops from the area—was in force for both Argentina and Great Britain. Yet while Argentina, on the very same 2 April 1982 when we recovered the islands, had begun withdrawing troops back to the mainland, five Royal Navy ships (including a nuclear submarine) were already heading towards the Malvinas; and on 5 April the attack began when the Task Force sailed from Portsmouth. By 7 April, in the face of the UN’s absolute passivity (Argentina always sought to act lawfully and to negotiate—always!), and after the TIAR—which in theory should have led all of the Americas, including the United States, to mobilise to defend Argentina—the UN never even acknowledged it; and the TIAR (Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance), by wrongly considering Argentina the aggressor—impossible, since British aggression dates from 2 January 1833 when it occupied the islands and expelled the Argentine authorities—did not respond. Argentina thus began mobilisation to defend the Malvinas Islands and South Georgia (the first reinforcement troops began arriving in the Malvinas on 11 April, and in South Georgia on 25 April), finally violating Resolution 502—after the British had done so two days earlier. It is obvious there was enough time to reconsider the A-4Q camouflage scheme, yet on 1 May they entered action with an unsuitable scheme, and incredibly on 21 May they still retained it; and worse still, it was expected that by the end of June Great Britain would have to surrender or withdraw from operations because its endurance would run out. At that point Argentina’s Sea Fleet would begin the counterattack to harass them, including the Argentine aircraft carrier with its Skyhawks, of which only 5 or 6 units were then available (with one recovered from Espora), and more incredibly still, they still retained the suicidal US Navy scheme.

P.S.: The scale model was made some years ago by the author of this text. It is actually a 1/72 Douglas A-4A Skyhawk that I had to modify into an A-4B (Q) with putty and parts from a blister-pack of spares to make the in-flight refuelling probe, the VHF aerial and the dorsal Doppler fairing, as well as the arrestor hook, since the kit I bought lacked them. The serial number and insignia are purely hand-painted (using the tip of a wooden toothpick as a “pen”). The Snakeye bombs—like those used by Philippi’s 1st Section in the HMS “Ardent” attack mentioned above, carrying four 227 kg Mk-82s per aircraft—and their bomb rack were leftovers from an F-117 or an A-10 kit, I cannot remember which now, and I added them to complete the model. The aircraft stand with the national colours was actually from a 1/72 Grumman F-4F Wildcat kit, which I had not used because when I built it (in a US Navy 1943 North Atlantic scheme, when the F-6F Hellcat was already taking its place) I built it with the landing gear down; so I later reused it—this time—to display this A-4A configured as an A-4Q (B) of the CANA (later COAN) of the Argentine Navy in an in-flight attack configuration.