1955 Revolution: The Conspiracy Resumes

The conspiracy resumes

The days that followed the uprising were full of tension and expectation. The balance of the damage and the count of deaths and injuries had the population plunged into deep consternation as the national and foreign press echoed the terrible events, clearly reflecting (especially the foreign one) the events that occurred.
The armed confrontations and the bombardment of the city produced a balance of 380 fatalities that rose to almost 400 in later days and almost a thousand wounded. Nine grenadiers fell during the defense of Government House[1]. Thirty-two others suffered injuries of varying degrees, as well as two officers from the “Buenos Aires” Motorized Regiment and seven from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, which also had a general and a soldier killed, the former when he was trying to reunite with his unit.
The government ordered a series of raids and raids, which resulted in numerous arrests, both of the military and of civilians and religious, who were taken to the Villa Devoto prison to await a sentence.
While the population tried to recover from the terrible events that had taken place in the Federal Capital, pilgrimages were organized to the burned temples and the CGT ordered a general strike for the 17th, as a sign of mourning and in support of the government.



Destruction in the church of Nuestra Señora de Lourdes in Bahía Blanca
(Pictures: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)

That day, before a crowd that filled Plaza de Mayo, Perón addressed the citizens to once again ask for calm and deplore the excesses that occurred during the fight. In the afternoon, at 5:00 p.m., he met in full with his cabinet in order to propose his definitive departure, a decision that those present categorically rejected, especially Governor Aloé and the CGT representatives, arguing, among other things, that this would be give in to the insurrection.
What did occur was a change of officials (almost all questioned by the opposition), necessary to appease the spirits, the first of them, the Minister of the Interior, Ángel Borlenghi, removed from his duties on the advice of the main government advisers.
As was to be expected, the high commands of the Navy, important heads of the Air Force and numerous Army officers were removed. The Punta Indio Naval Air Base was canceled and the 4th Marine Infantry Battalion together with the 2nd Air Naval Force were dissolved.
By decision of the high command, the planes from the Comandante Espora Naval Air Base were disarmed, their ammunition deposited in Puerto Belgrano and their fuzes sent to the Zárate Arsenal.
The VII Fighter Air Brigade based in Morón was suspended and reorganized as the Military Aeronautical Detachment[2], appointing Commodore Ricardo Alberto Accinelli as its first commander. As the CONINTES plan was still in force, the personnel of the new entity remained quartered by thirds while its headquarters adopted, as a first measure, to repatriate the air material that the rebel pilots had taken to Uruguay [3].
Of the thirty-nine planes used by the rebels during the actions, twenty-three landed at the Carrasco International Airport in Montevideo; six did so at the Colonia aerodrome, seven at the Boiso Lanza military base, one was shot down by the Air Force, another crashed in Tristán Suárez, a third fell due to lack of fuel in the Río de la Plata between Carmelo and Colonia and a fourth landed in the middle of the countryside, near the civilian airfield of Melilla, north of Montevideo, without being able to deploy its landing gear due to sabotage.
On June 17, the government proceeded to erase the traces of the battle, detonating the bombs that remained unexploded, which filled the unsuspecting passers-by who were circulating nearby with fear.
The plotted leaders were put on trial before specially constituted military courts and the most severe penalties were expected for them. During one of the interrogations, an event occurred that once again shocked public opinion.


Perón, on the right, observes the damage to the Government House

Officers Julio César Cáceres and Dardo Eugenio Ferreyra were testifying before Commodore Luis Lapuente, head of the Information and Aeronautical Safety Service, when in a moment of carelessness, the latter, shouting "Long live the Homeland!", threw himself to the void from the third floor where he was appearing, without achieving his goal of taking his own life because he fell on a plastic roof on the ground floor that cushioned the blow. He was hospitalized in serious condition at the Aeronautical Hospital where they continued to interrogate him without considering his condition.
Argentine aircraft began to be returned by decision of the Uruguayan government as of June 21, but not their pilots, who remained in the neighboring country magnificently cared for by the authorities and the people of the East. And it is that Uruguay felt on itself all the pressure that the Justicialista regime had been applying since 1946, as a result of the protection that Montevideo offered its opponents when they sought refuge in its territory. This hostility manifested itself in the closure of border crossings, the sale of meat and cereals at lower prices in international markets and the latent threat of an attack, especially the bombing of Radio Colonia due to its strong anti-Peronist campaign.
The first two aircraft returned by Uruguay were the Gloster Meteor I-031 and I-098 piloted by Commander Eduardo Catalá and First Lieutenant Antonio Corradini respectively, the first with a rivet that covered the impact of an anti-aircraft projectile. Three days later, on June 24, 1955, I-094 arrived under the command of Captain Daniel Aubone and I-058 under First Lieutenant José Lembi, and in later days, I-029 and I-064 arrived. the first aboard a Bristol 170 Freigther. The total number of naval aircraft was reintegrated in a staggered manner[4].
On July 21, the brand new Aeronautical Department of Morón began to report directly to the Commander in Chief of the Air Force, organizing at the same time the incorporation of new officers from different units[5]. A week later, the government decided to reactivate the VI Air Brigade based in Tandil, appointing Brigadier Juan C. Ríos and head of Group 2 of Interceptor Fighter[6].


Vandals have razed the Cathedral of Bahía Blanca
(Pictures: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)


Serious Damage to the Inmaculado Corazón de María (Bahía Blanca)
(Pictures: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)


Fire and destruction in the newsroom of "Democracia", an opposition newspaper from Bahía Blanca
(Pictures: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)


Luis E. Vera, director of "Democracia" (wearing a raincoat) observes the damage in the newsroom
(Pictures: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)

But despite the defeat, the arrests and raids, and ignoring the threats, pressures and raids, the Navy officers led by Navy Captain Arturo H. Rial and Lieutenant Commander Carlos Pujol at the head, they launched the second phase of the movement through an informal talk that they held at the offices of the Directorate of Naval Schools located at Florida 610, corner of Paraná. In later days, they were joined by other officers and noncommissioned officers of the weapon, highlighting among them Lieutenant Horacio Mayorga and Captains Jorge Gallastegui, Juan Carlos Duperré, Carlos Sánchez Sañudo and Jorge Palma, who began to organize clandestine meetings, tending to shape the motion.
A whole network of espionage and counterespionage was launched with the firm purpose of reactivating the revolution. It was extended to the main naval bases in the country, especially those of Puerto Belgrano and Comandante Espora, where they began to work very cautiously to obtain the commitment of the Sea Fleet, the Marine Infantry forces and the Naval Aviation. dependent on the Naval Maritime Area. Captain Jorge E. Perren was appointed to lead the uprising in that sector, although the true leader of this second phase would be Rear Admiral Isaac Francisco Rojas, who had just arrived from Brazil in those days, where he had performed duties at the Argentine embassy. , to take charge of the direction of the Naval-Military School based at the Río Santiago Naval Base. And it was he who was addressed by the conspirators to expressly request that he take command of the Navy during the actions that were to take place in the month of September.
On June 23, Perón spoke again on the national network to refer to the events of the 16th, minimizing the acts of vandalism against temples and institutions that had taken place shortly after the end of the hostilities. Four days later, some of the Catholic militants who had been arrested during the defense of the Cathedral began to be released and on the 28th of the same month, the main temple of the city of Buenos Aires resumed its religious services, in what was a massive ceremony. .
That same day, in San Miguel Arcángel, Monsignor Miguel Ángel de Andrea entered the temple on his knees while being applauded by the audience. During the services, he promised to wear black clothes instead of purple, as a sign of mourning for the dead, the wounded and the permanent grievances that the Argentine Catholic Church was suffering.
In the month of July, on the occasion of the feast of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, Perón sent his respects to Pope Pius XII who, in response, told him that he hoped with all his heart that the Lord would guide his steps so that the Argentine people could freely profess their faith.
Where the discontent slowly began to be perceived was in the ranks of the Army, a force that during the day of June 16 had maintained its absolute fidelity to the person of the first president. The latest events had called many of its officers to reflection and thus, in the days that followed the bombardment, a silent plot in favor of the revolution was launched, agreeing to carry out the first surveys with elements of the Navy. The persecution of the Church and the burning of the national flag had badly predisposed large sectors of the military, encouraged by nationalist civilians opposed to the government who worked hard to establish contact between elements of the three weapons.


General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu

Senior Army officers, including General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, Colonels Eduardo Señorans and Arturo Ossorio Arana, Captain Ramón Eduardo Molina and Major Juan Francisco Guevara, began efforts to establish contact with the Air Force because it was known that Despite being a force extremely addicted to the person of the president, there were numerous officers who were willing to join the movement, such as Commodore Julio César Krausse and Captains Luis A. Bianchi and Orlando Capellini.
In the month of July several demonstrations against Perón took place, in one of which the radical youth militant Alfredo Prat was killed as a victim of police repression. Days later, the Democratic Party issued a statement harshly criticizing the government, denouncing the climate of fear in which the citizenry lived, placing special emphasis on the need for a total amnesty.
On the 15th of that month there were a series of resignations in the government as a result of certain statements by the president regarding the course his revolution was taking. Among them, the one of the Vice President of the Nation, Rear Admiral Alberto Teissaire, replaced by the Buenos Aires national deputy Dr. Alejandro H. Leloir and that of several ministers and secretaries, stood out especially.
On the 21st, the conservative leader Dr. Pablo González Bergez was arrested. Shortly after, the lifeless body of Dr. Juan Ingalinella, a communist militant who disappeared on June 17, tortured and murdered by the Rosario police, was thrown into the Paraná River. A massive student demonstration took place in Córdoba and numerous protests in favor of freedom and justice were held in Buenos Aires, harshly repressed by the forces of order.
Faced with such a climate, the government agreed, for the first time in many years, to grant opposition parties radio slots to express their points of view. The first to speak was Dr. Arturo Frondizi, head of the Radical Civic Union, who on July 27 gave an energetic speech on Radio Belgrano that ended with cheers and greetings from a multitude of followers who were waiting for him in the streets.
The conspiracy, meanwhile, continued, with the frigate captains Aldo Molinari and Jorge Palma acting as liaisons with elements of the Army. Rojas, for his part, had his own "undercover agents" in the persons of frigate lieutenants Oscar Ataide, his personal secretary, and Jorge Isaac Anaya, through whom he learned of the development of events and conveyed his points of view. of the.
It happened that around those days an event took place in Puerto Belgrano that served to give impetus to the conspiracy and speed up its preparations.
By decision of the government, all the munitions that had been withdrawn from the rebel units after June 16, were sent to that destination together with the naval planes recovered from Uruguay, thus reinforcing, and unexpectedly, the potential of unit fire. The sudden decision led the rebel commanders to adopt hasty measures, one of which was the accelerated construction of special fuzes to replace those that had been withdrawn and sent to the Zárate arsenal and the putting into operation of the naval planes.
Meanwhile, Army cadres continued to work actively on the complex mission of attracting followers, although with great difficulty given the extreme surveillance to which the weapon was being subjected.
In the province of San Luis, headquarters of the II Army Corps, Lieutenant Colonel Gustavo Eppens moved tirelessly, assisted by a significant number of officers. The unit was commanded by General Julio Alberto Lagos, a well-known nationalist stance and affiliated with the Peronist movement from the outset, so each move had to be made with great caution. For their part, in the Cuyo Mountain Group based in the city of Mendoza, several of its leaders tried to neutralize the marked pro-government position of the commander, General Héctor Raviolo Audisio, and his deputy, Colonel Ricardo Botto. The group was divided into four powerful detachments, Botto being head of No. 3 based in Callingasta, province of San Juan.
The conspirators were joined by Lieutenant Colonel Fernando Elizondo, head of the 2nd Antiaircraft Artillery Group; Major Armando Aguirre, head of the “General Espejo” Military High School; the senior military instruction judge Enzo Garutti, all of them bound for Mendoza; Lieutenant Colonel Mario A. Fonseca, head of the San Juan Mountain Detachment 3 and General Eugenio Arandía, chief of the Cuyo Army General Staff, based in San Luis. On that side, it only remained to probe the position of General Lagos and then decide what to do about it.
While General Aramburu made feverish efforts to incorporate people, two other figures of importance within the ranks of Army officers, General Juan José Uranga and Colonel Héctor Solanas Pacheco.

In Córdoba, for his part, Colonel Arturo Ossorio Arana was actively conspiring while the revolutionary civilian commandos worked actively, serving as liaisons between the different military groups. His main operations centers in the city of Buenos Aires were the home of Dr. Eduardo Fauzón Sarmiento and the notary office of his brother Jorge, located on the 4th floor of Cerrito 512.
An unexpected event that somewhat puzzled the conspirators was the surprise addition to their ranks of General Dalmiro Videla Balaguer, whom everyone thought was a fervent supporter of Perón. That caused suspicions and some concern since there was more than one conspirator who supposed the high official, a spy at the service of the government.


General Eduardo Lonardi

What had happened to cause such a sudden decision? Something simple. The fidelity of the San Juan general towards the figure of the first president had begun to crack due to the persecution unleashed against the Catholic Church. Videla Balaguer was a deeply devoted man and from the moment the mob razed the main temples of the capital, a kind of internal struggle took place in him that led him to the difficult situation of having to make a choice.
It was during his visit to the ruins of the church of San Ignacio, in the company of his wife, that seeing so much desolation he decided to join the revolution.
He did so, after contemplating that terrible spectacle and praying before the ruined image of Santa Teresa, shortly before his return to Córdoba.
Another who decided to turn to the movement, motivated by similar causes, was General Julio Alberto Lagos who, after a second meeting with Aramburu in Buenos Aires, pledged his word and after a few days of reflection, confirmed his support. . He did so during a meeting with Colonel Señorans, shortly before the high command decided to replace him with General José María Sosa Molina, brother of the Minister of Defense and a man of Perón's absolute confidence.
The one who remained confined in his home, without being involved in the preparations, was Major General Eduardo Lonardi, arrested and retired after the frustrated uprising of 1951.
Neither Señorans nor Aramburu had a good relationship with him and if he was taken into account at some point it was at the insistence of his friend, Colonel Arturo Ossorio Arana and Dr. Fauzón Sarmiento, who had a hard time agreeing to an interview between they. Aramburu was the one who objected the most, arguing that the aforementioned was a retired officer, lacking authority.

-Here we need a general with command over the troops. There are thousands of retired anti-Peronist officials – he said at a meeting.

The meeting with Aramburu and Lonardi took place at the Military Hospital, where both went to visit General Roberto Nazar, who was hospitalized there. On the occasion, Lonardi stated that he was willing to subordinate himself, but Aramburu replied curtly that he was not leading any plot.

In July, the Sea Fleet was maneuvering off the San Matías Gulf when it detected the presence of foreign ships in jurisdictional waters. Almost at the same time, naval planes intercepted radio messages in English, which were recorded and immediately sent to the high command of the Navy in Puerto Belgrano.
To the astonishment of the officers, they were ignored, which is why the disturbing version began to circulate that British or American ships were monitoring the movements of the Navy at the request of the government, a version that caused indignation and uncertainty at all levels of government. the institution. That fear seemed to be confirmed when Admiral Guillermo Brown ordered the dispersal of the Naval Aviation and the closure of the Comandante Espora Base, in order to neutralize the force, openly showing that the Navy was disturbing the government authorities and continued in the look at the Peronist leadership. Faced with those extreme measures, Lieutenant Commander Eduardo A. Estivariz requested his retirement.
On August 18, 1955, the public learned of the ruling of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that judged the soldiers who rose up on June 16. Rear Admiral Samuel Toranzo Calderón was sentenced to capital punishment with degradation, in accordance with the provisions of article No. 63, paragraph 1 of the Code of Military Justice, news that shocked the public.
In view of this, General Juan Heriberto Molinuevo dispatched the court secretary, Colonel Juan C. Villafañe to inform Perón of the news, but when the president heard the ruling, he was final in his decision.

-Son, I don't shoot anyone. Let Molinuevo find a way to avoid it..

Suddenly, the man who instigated the masses to “give firewood”, to “hang with barbed wire” and to “kill their enemies”, showed a prudent and humanitarian facet. A lot of people, within the Armed Forces, were really taken aback.
Almost all those involved were sentenced to indefinite prison terms and sent to the Santa Rosa prison, La Pampa province, where they would remain locked up for the next two months.

With the conspiracy underway, the Army and Navy conspirators held frequent meetings at the home of Dr. Fauzón Sarmiento, in the heart of the Belgrano neighborhood, guarded by a group of retired officers under the command of Colonel Ladislao Fernández Castellanos. Colonels Francisco Zerda, Arturo Ossorio Arana and Eduardo Señorans, Major Juan Francisco Guevara, Captain Tomás Sánchez de Bustamante, Navy Captain Arturo Rial and Frigate Captain Jorge J. Palma attended them.
General Aramburu was to attend the first of these conclaves, but a last-minute call from Father Septimio Walsh warned him that he was being watched twenty-four hours a day and, therefore, it was not prudent for him to move.
The plotters became aware of what was happening and drew up a plan. It was decided that the army staff should wait for the pronouncement of the Army, which was still looking for a firm hand to take command, and then Ossorio Arana stated that if he had to take charge of Córdoba, he wanted to tell General Lonardi, since he was the chief with higher hierarchy within the weapon. His request was listened to carefully and no one objected.
Days later, General Lucero removed Aramburu, passing him from his position at the head of the Health Directorate to that of head of the National Defense School.
Aside from the seditious activities, from the residence of Dr. Fauzón Sarmiento and other private homes, the civilian commandos began their preparations to collaborate with the rebel forces, either as support troops, as liaisons or contributing their assistance in any activity that was entrusted to them.
A group of them, led by the engineer Roque Carranza and made up of retired officers such as Captain Walter Viader and Vice Commodore Jorge Rojas Silveyra, dedicated themselves to making homemade bombs with gelinite. Other meetings were held at the Colegio Nuestra Señora del Huerto, run by Father Walsh, where thousands of pamphlets were printed, engineers Florencio Arnaudo, Carlos Burundarena and Manuel Gómez Carrillo working actively on it together with retired officer Edgardo García Puló, Raúl Puigbó, who was permanently wanted by the police at that time, and Adolfo Sánchez Zinny. In the command led by Captain Aldo Luis Molinari, Héctor Eduardo Bergalli, Roberto Etchepareborda and other radical militants acted, groups that were entrusted with the mission of taking over and disabling the radios.
In the civil command of the parish of Santo Cristo (Espíritu Santo), Captain Carlos Fernández was in charge of a large group of militants among whom were Alberto Pechemiel, Martín Cires Irigoyen and the lawyer Ismael Carlos Gutiérrez Pechemiel, the three of whom are relatives General Benjamin Menendez. Alberto Pechemiel was the husband of Ángela Menéndez, the niece of the famous soldier, and together with her, he acted as a liaison during the frustrated uprising of 1951, suffering both prison, home invasions and physical attacks.
While the intertwined network of espionage took place, acts of violence continued to worsen the climate throughout the nation.
On August 12, a Catholic demonstration that was headed for the Santo Domingo church was attacked by members of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance at a time when it reached the corner of Florida and Av. Corrientes, resulting in many of its members being detained. Two days later, the police raided several homes to arrest the members of an opposition group organized at the UBA Law School and several armed youths were detained aboard a jeep when it was driving through the heart of the Recoleta neighborhood, the same Religion teacher Sara Mackintosh, laid off since May[7].
On August 17, a crowded demonstration took place in Plaza San Martín, on the occasion of a new anniversary of the death of the Liberator, an act in which insults of all kinds were launched against Perón and his government. Once again the Nationalist Liberation Alliance attacked the demonstrators, wounding a young man named Menéndez Behety with a knife.
The air was getting rarer in the main epicenters of the country and everything seemed to presage new outbreaks of violence.

Notes

1. Among those nine grenadiers were the conscripts Pedro H. Baigorria and Héctor Leónidas Paz, whose bodies were deposited in the Ramos Mejía Hospital.
2. Resolution 519/55 dated June 20, 1955 and published in the Boletín Aeronáutico Nº 922.
3. A. Marino, J. Mosquera, G. Gebel, V. Cettolo, H. Claria, G. Posaba, Gloster Meteor FMk IV en la Fuerza Aérea Argentina, Avialatina.
4. Idem.
5. Published in the Boletín Aeronáutico Nº 1002.
6. On July 28, 1955.
7. Opposition pamphlets were found at his home

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón

1955 Revolution: Peronist Mobs Burn Catholic Temples

View of the High Altar of San Francisco

The Temples Burn

Original source: 1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón



On the night of June 16-17, 1955, Peronist mobs assaulted and set fire to the historic temples of Buenos Aires in retaliation for the aerial bombardment


The terrible violence unleashed that day did not stop after the fighting. The reader will remember that around half past four in the afternoon, bands of exalted Peronists rushed into the Metropolitan Curia to sack and burn it, a fact that General Ernesto Fatigatti witnessed when he passed through the place, in the heat of the fight.

The mob destroyed objects of enormous artistic and cultural value and, along with them, the Historical Archive, with its old documents from the 16th, 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, "a unique and irreplaceable treasure", in the words of Isidoro Ruiz Moreno.



A woman cries before the desolation in San Francisco (Courtesy Fundación Villa Manuelita)


On that chaotic day, invaluable pieces of art and historical artifacts belonging to the city of Buenos Aires were tragically lost forever. The chaos ensued when the Curia building caught fire, and in the midst of the turmoil, a mob appeared, carrying off sacred objects, precious artistic vestments, ancient chalices, ciboriums, monstrances, patens, habits, and cassocks. These individuals then proceeded towards the main temples of the city with the clear intent of vandalizing them.

Two groups marched towards the convents of Santo Domingo and Nuestra Señora de la Merced. At Santo Domingo, the religious witnessed the arrival of agitators in trucks who, upon passing the temple, displayed aggressive gestures and shouted curses against the Church. In fear of an imminent attack, the friars and seminarians hurried to secure the doors and windows, but due to the escalating situation, they eventually had to evacuate under the guidance of their prior, Fray Luis Alberto Montes de Oca, who was deeply concerned for their safety. Despite the difficulties in communication caused by the cut telephone lines, Fray Luis chose to remain at the convent as its custodian.



Another vandalized altar in San Francisco

At 5:30 p.m., a frenzied crowd surged toward the gates blocking the atrium's access, while some individuals attempted to enter through the windows on Calle Defensa by breaking the bars. The devoted religious had no option but to hastily disguise themselves in civilian attire and escape through a small door in the 5 de Julio passage, blending in with the chaotic mob.

The historical temple, which held the tomb of General Manuel Belgrano and other iconic figures from the country's history, suffered merciless destruction and burning. This sacred place held invaluable cultural treasures, including the banners captured from royalists during battles in Salta and Tucumán, as well as from the British during the invasions of 1806 and 1807, along with precious artworks, images, and religious artifacts. Despite Fray Luis's attempt to seek help from the 2nd Police Station, the authorities responsible for maintaining public order did nothing to contain the savagery.

Two blocks away, at the corner of Defensa and Alsina, the San Francisco church and the adjoining chapel of San Roque also caught fire. This was the place where General Lavalle had been appointed governor of Buenos Aires in 1828.

Inside the convent's oratory, Fray Cecilio Heredia, along with fifteen other religious, was offering prayers of gratitude for Perón's call for calm when a deafening commotion from outside startled them. The terrifying noise of the mob invading the temple grounds and the sight of the friars fleeing through a side door in civilian clothes shook the cloisters. Fray Cecilio managed to escape but remained nearby, deeply saddened to witness the convent and church consumed by flames.

Just a short distance away, a similar scene unfolded at the church of San Ignacio, the oldest building in the city, connected to the historic Colegio Nacional (formerly known as Colegio Real de San Carlos, the birthplace of heroes). The enraged mob, armed with heavy objects, violently assaulted the grand doors and hurled insults at the religious and the Church as a whole.



This is how the ceilings of the Curia chapel appeared after the incident:

Father Alberto Lattuada, the parish priest, was engrossed in reading in his room when the sound of screams reached his ears. He rushed to the staircase and witnessed the crowd breaking through the porticoes, storming inside with shouts and raised clubs. The Jesuit bravely confronted them, raising his arms in a plea for calm and reason, urging them not to carry out an attack they would regret.

As Father Alberto attempted to restrain the vandals, he felt someone forcefully grabbing his arm and dragging him away. It was a young blond boy who shook him violently, forcing him outside amidst blows and insults. The boy threatened him with lynching if he dared to stay in the vicinity.

Outside, Father Alberto spotted two Army trucks filled with soldiers parked near the church. Desperate for help, he ran towards them, only to receive a disheartening response that left him paralyzed. "We cannot intervene. Seek out the officer in charge," they said.

Deeply disturbed, the parish priest helplessly witnessed the ruffians removing sacred images and objects from the temple and throwing them onto the street while the flames started to engulf the interior. Nearby, Lieutenant priest Guillermo Sáenz observed the scene with a heavy heart. The old convent, which held the tomb of Juan José Castelli and was once the grand "Jesuit empire of the Missions," as described by Leopoldo Lugones, began to crumble under the onslaught.

When the initial acts of violence unfolded, Perón and his associates were gathered at the Ministry of the Army. From there, they saw the smoke and the glow of the first bonfires, realizing the catastrophe unfolding in the city center. The Justicialist leader, seated at a table, stood up and exclaimed indignantly:

-Take action immediately because these are communist gangs that are burning the churches, and then they are going to attribute it to me!

The president had barely finished speaking when Lucero urgently called General José Embrioni to inform him about the need to take immediate measures to protect the historical temples and threatened buildings. Embrioni contacted the police chief, who, remembering Minister Borlenghi's directive to keep the force stationed against potential attacks from revolutionary civilian commandos, decided to remain in place and take no action. He firmly believed that the Army would handle the situation.

Perón made a mistake by attributing responsibility to the communists because the attackers of the churches were actually his own supporters, driven by the fury and hatred he himself had incited.

At 6:30 p.m., the fire crews finally left their barracks and rushed to extinguish the fires. Upon arriving at Santo Domingo, Fire Commissioner Rómulo Pérez Algaba witnessed the burning of the Santeria and the altars, fueled by benches set on fire by the protesters.

Pérez Algaba also noticed an overturned tanker truck from which people were taking gasoline to add to the flames. He witnessed thugs smashing sacred images and objects on the pavement, stealing piggy banks, and desecrating ballot boxes containing relics of the heroes. Despite his attempts to communicate with his superiors, the vandals prevented him from doing so.

As he was on site, four individuals dressed in raincoats approached Pérez Algaba and warned him that flags captured from the English and Spanish were inside the temple, and four men were trapped in the library. They urged him to act swiftly to rescue them. Pérez Algaba responded firmly:

-Just as they came in let them come out. As for the flags... that's another thing.

The officer, accompanied by several firemen, ventured into the ruins, their path illuminated by a flashlight. Fortunately, they reached the site just in time to rescue the trophies and safeguard them. The glass covering had miraculously kept the trophies intact, protecting them from destruction. They swiftly retrieved the items and withdrew, narrowly escaping a collapsing column that would have obliterated everything.

During the rescue, Pérez Algaba and two of his men sustained injuries. These courageous individuals deserve the gratitude of posterity for safeguarding these invaluable pieces of our history.

Pérez Algaba and his team members were evacuated, but the four looters, equipped with chandeliers, remained inside. They broke the bars on the windows and daringly jumped from the first floor at the corner of Venezuela and Defensa.

Meanwhile, San Francisco was engulfed in flames on all sides. The firefighters had to engage in hand-to-hand combat with the protesters to halt the destruction. It was a spectacle to behold as burning pieces of wood detached from the central dome, plummeting onto the streets and sidewalks.

At Nuestra Señora de la Merced, the mob attacked and set fire to the left side of the temple. The flames spread to the sacristy, and thick smoke filled the central nave. In contrast, Nuestra Señora de la Piedad was also targeted, but the spilled kerosene did not ignite, thanks to the intervention of neighbors and law enforcement officers who managed to neutralize the threat. Nevertheless, the looting had devastating consequences, and things could have been much worse if the firefighters hadn't arrived in time to extinguish the fire that the protesters had started in the library for the blind on the mezzanine.



A different perspective of the High Altar at the Basilica of San Francisco is shown.

San Miguel endured minimal damage in the central nave, but the sacristy and rectory were ablaze when a team led by Commissioner Severo Toranzo arrived and thwarted a second attack.

Similarly, San Nicolás de Bari, situated on Santa Fe Avenue, suffered destruction as looters set the church on fire and threw valuable artistic and religious objects from the second-floor balconies. The attackers had to escape through side exits to avoid being trapped. It's worth noting that the church was originally founded in 1733 by the Spanish Domingo de Acassuso at its original location on 9 de Julio and Av. Corrientes, where the obelisk now stands [2].

The most severe damage occurred at Nuestra Señora de las Victorias, located on Paraguay and Libertad. The mob started a small fire and ransacked everything within reach. Both the parish office and the sacristy were in flames when a member of the parish movement named Marcó Bonorino and an unidentified lady attempted to douse the fire using water from vases. Another individual, named Cullen, alerted the police that several individuals had entered the priestly rooms, overturned a kerosene stove to start a fire, and stolen the collection money stored there.



The destruction at the Belgranian Institute was heartbreaking.

When the violence reached its peak, the parish priest, RP Jacobo Wagner, bravely attempted to intervene and stop the criminals. However, the attack he endured was so brutal that he was left unconscious on the ground. He remained in a prostrate state for forty-five days before tragically succumbing to the injuries inflicted on him.

Other Peronist groups targeted various churches, including San Juan Bautista located in Piedras y Alsina, where the fifth viceroy of the Río de la Plata, Don Pedro Melo of Portugal and Villena, is buried. Our Lady of Mercy and Our Lady of Help, the latter being associated with the drama of Camila O'Gorman [3], also suffered a similar fate.

Militants from the Basic Unit situated on Av. Corrientes and Jorge Newbery attempted to set fire to the church located on Osorio and Warnes. However, they were apprehended in time and detained for further investigation at Section 29.

That day, a devastating wave of destruction engulfed several other important temples including the Metropolitan Curia, Nuestra Señora de la Merced, San Ignacio, San Francisco, San Roque, Santo Domingo, San Juan Bautista, San Nicolás de Bari, Nuestra Señora de las Victorias, San Miguel Arcángel, Nuestra Señora del Socorro, and La Piedad. The fires reddened the low clouds that covered the Buenos Aires night, as described by Ruiz Moreno. But it wasn't only churches that were attacked; other institutions like the Belgraniano Institute, the Brotherhood of Nuestra Señora del Rosario, the Reconquest and Defense Commission, and the Pious Union of Blessed Martín de Porres, adjacent to Santo Domingo, also suffered destruction and fire.

Disturbing images circulated globally, showing the vandals wreaking havoc in the temples and parading around at night wearing stolen priestly garments and holding stolen objects. These actions brought shame to the Argentine people and tarnished their tradition. In a matter of hours, the country lost invaluable treasures of its artistic, historical, and religious heritage.

Miguel Ángel Cavallo offers a description of the events in Bahía Blanca on the night of June 16. Following the failure of the uprising, groups of workers assembled in front of the regional CGT building to hear their leaders' speeches and then marched in columns to the main square, armed with sticks, chains, and stones, prepared to attack the Cathedral. Once inside the city's main temple, they forced open its large doors and proceeded to destroy altars, images, and internal rooms. They even toppled the Carrara marble baptismal font and set parts of the interior on fire. Similar to the events in Buenos Aires, the mob donned clerical clothing, singing and dancing in the streets while chanting obscene and insulting verses.


A parishioner seeking solace in prayer (Courtesy Fundación Villa Manuelita)

Subsequently, the protesters rushed to the Corazón de María church and then to Nuestra Señora de Lourdes, causing similar damage. They continued their rampage by attacking the newsroom of the newspaper "Democracia," a courageous opposition publication led by Luis E. Vera. They wreaked havoc on their offices, destroying furniture, machinery, and facilities, before igniting another fire.

The vandals concluded their destructive spree at the headquarters of the Radical Civic Union, which they also set ablaze. Afterward, they retreated through the streets, singing chants in support of their leader. Surprisingly, neither the firefighters nor the police intervened, and there was no official acknowledgment of the events the following day. The newspaper "Democracia" was shut down, its owner detained and held incommunicado, along with the priests from the churches and religious schools of the city, who were transferred by trucks to the headquarters of the 5th Infantry Regiment [4].

Isidoro Ruiz Moreno provides an approximate estimate of the losses incurred on that fateful day. Commissioner Rafael Pugliese, head of the 2nd Section, discovered the urn containing the remains of General Zapiola lying behind the mausoleum of General Belgrano at the Santo Domingo convent. The urn had been forcefully removed from the Virgin's dressing room.



Anguish and despair gripped the porteños as they endured fateful hours. Their city was first bombed, and immediately after, their historical, cultural, and religious heritage was devastated, as described by the Courtesy Fundación Villa Manuelita.

In the atrium, antique furniture, some of which had been lent by the convent for the Cabildo Abierto meeting on May 22, 1810, was set ablaze. The main altar and two other sides of the church were consumed by the fire, while several others suffered severe damage.

Nearly all the precious images were removed from their rightful places, either thrown to the ground or set on fire. Crystals and stained glass windows were shattered with stones, and the colonial furniture and historical organ in the choir were consumed by the flames. The Venetian majolica of the vaults was destroyed, and the dressing room of the Virgen del Rosario, where the banners seized from the English in 1806 and 1807, and those captured by General Belgrano from the Spaniards during the campaigns of the North, was demolished. Numerous trophies displayed in the side wall showcases vanished.

The sacristy suffered the same fate, reduced to ashes, with its cabinets set on fire, and the two Carrara marble baptismal fonts smashed into pieces. Internal halls and a minor chapel in the eastern sector were also burned. The priests' rooms were ransacked, their furniture destroyed, and the prior's room was set on fire.

San Ignacio's altars were ruthlessly destroyed, with wood torn from them, and others caught fire, along with smashed furniture. The vandals even set fire to the church's library and the parish priest's room, demolishing the crockery, sideboards, and a grand mirror with a console.

In the chapel of San Roque, the altars were set ablaze, and the linings of the vaults and richly decorated side walls crumbled to pieces. The main images were also destroyed. Nearby, San Francisco faced a similar tragic fate, with all its ancient and artistic altars, including the largest one, lost to the flames. The dome collapsed, leaving only its metal skeleton standing, and precious stained glass windows fell into pieces. The fire devoured extremely valuable paintings and furniture from the 18th and 19th centuries. The presbytery, sacristy, carvings, images, and sacred objects were thrown viciously about, and rooms and dependencies of the convent were engulfed in flames. Priceless chalices, candelabras, monstrances, crucifixes, and other valuables were stolen, many of them made of silver and solid gold, adorned with precious gemstones. Among the ruins, the great 1.50-meter tabernacle stood out, tossed amidst rubble and the remains of charred objects.

In one night, Buenos Aires lost four centuries of history, leaving the city in mourning over its irreplaceable heritage.


Dome and roofs of the ruined Cathedral


Looters attack the Tabernacle in the Cathedral

Absorbed faithful observe the destruction in the Curia

Library and Archive of the Curia destroyed by fire


The great dome of San Francisco victim of the flames

The altar of San Francisco desecrated

The people of Buenos Aires observe in disbelief the desecration of their temples, in this case San Francisco


More destruction in San Francisco


State in which the ceilings of San Francisco were left

Vandalized benches and imagery in San Francisco

San Francisco side altar

San Francisco. Access to the convent


High Altar of San Francisco


Side altar of the Basilica Nuestra Señora del Rosario (Convent of Santo Domingo)


Convent of Santo Domingo. Side view of the High Altar


Ruins and rubble in the church of San Ignacio


Saint Joseph beheaded in San Ignacio


Monsignor D'Andrea's room in San Miguel Archangel burned down

San Miguel Arcangel. Another image of the state in which Monsignor D'Andrea's room was left


Ruins in the Church of San Juan Bautista, tomb of Viceroy Pedro Melo of Portugal and Villena

Notes

1. Antonio González Balcarce, Martín de Alzaga, Juan de Lezica y Torrezuri and the general José María Zapiola.
2. Miguel Ángel Cavallo, Puerto Belgrano, Hora 0. La Marina se subleva, Cap. III “El 16 de junio en Bahía Blanca”.
3. Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, op. Cit., Tomo I, Tercera Parte, Cap XI, “La cruz en la hoguera”.
4. Between 1935 and 1936 it was moved to its current location and it houses the marble font in which Bernardino Rivadavia, Bartolomé Miter and San Héctor Valdivielso Sáez, the first Argentine saint, were baptized, as well as pieces of sacred art of inestimable value, something that the scoundrel was completely unaware.
5. In a niche of the latter lie the remains of Santa Constancia Martyr, victim of the persecutions of Nero, sent from Rome when it was elevated to a basilica.

1955 Revolution: The Attack on the Metropolitan Cathedral

Attack on the Cathedral *

Original source: Guerra Civil 1955. La Revolución Libertadora y la Caída de Perón

   
Assault on the Metropolitan Curia (Courtesy: Fundación Villa Manuelita)

On November 10, 1954, Perón initiated a forceful campaign against the Catholic Church, accusing it of meddling in national politics and inciting opposition to the government. During a lengthy plenary session at the Presidential House in Olivos, he announced his new cabinet members, legislators, union representatives, and leaders from various Peronist organizations. In a speech that lasted several hours, Perón pointed fingers at the Curia for fueling opposition and attempting to destabilize the government. He singled out numerous priests and religious figures, including the bishops of Córdoba and Santa Fe, alleging that they were agitators. Furthermore, he unveiled a series of measures aimed at neutralizing the Church's influence.

The president's actions caused widespread confusion among the population, and even within his own ruling regime, as many initially believed his words were merely rhetoric. However, in the days that followed, it became evident that Perón intended to wage an actual war against the Church.

In this context, Perón presented Law No. 14,394 to Congress, which included the provision for divorce. Additionally, he advocated for the Prophylaxis Law, which encouraged the establishment of brothels and the suspension of religious education in schools. Perón's measures also encompassed banning all processions and ordering the closure of the Catholic newspaper "El Pueblo," founded by Father Federico Grote on April 1, 1900.

When May 1955 marked the end of Catholicism as the official state religion, the public perceived it as the onset of a new era of violence and persecution in Argentina.

On April 25 of the same year, the government entered into a controversial oil contract with Standard Oil Inc. Co. of California, granting them special concessions in the distant governorate of Santa Cruz, including exploitation rights and extraterritorial privileges. This decision was a stark departure from Perón's consistent ten-year rhetoric against the United States, and it was seen as a "surrendering" move, a term that would later be widely used by his opponents a decade later.

The implementation of these new measures created an extremely tense atmosphere in Buenos Aires. Religious persecution, something unprecedented in Argentine society at that time, intensified when the government of La Rioja prohibited the traditional procession with the images of San Nicolás de Bari and the Niño Alcalde, a longstanding practice. This was accompanied by an increase in arrests and layoffs in the public sector. On March 21, 1955, the government passed a law that removed several religious dates from the official calendar, including All Saints' Day, All Souls' Day, Saint Peter and Saint Paul, the Immaculate Conception, and Corpus Christi, replacing them with partisan events, the main one being "Loyalty Day" on October 17. Eduardo Vuletich, general secretary of the CGT, expressed to a crowd gathered in Plaza de Mayo on May 1: "We workers prefer someone who speaks to us in our language rather than one who prays in Latin, facing the altar and turning their back on the people!"

The hostilities continued, and after a massive act where Perón implied that the clerical leadership "had to leave," the Chamber of Deputies abolished the oath "For God and on the Holy Gospels," repealed religious teaching, enacted the Prophylaxis Law, and imposed heavy taxes on Catholic institutions. When the Episcopate read a pastoral letter in churches on April 17, referring to the ongoing events, several priests and Catholic militants were arrested, leading some regime officials to resign in the following days. Slowly, the regime began to show signs of internal division.

The day of the Corpus Christi procession arrived, which since the second foundation of Buenos Aires had been taking place annually in Plaza de Mayo, with the city authorities following the Blessed Sacrament under a canopy, to the Cathedral.

The celebration had been prohibited under Law 14,400, which also designated it as a "Working Day," enabling employers to deduct pay from employees who didn't attend work. Despite this, Catholic groups defiantly worked tirelessly to ensure the event took place.

Recognizing their determination, the government attempted to limit the commemoration to the Cathedral, hoping to quell the fervor. However, this measure failed to deceive the Catholics, who remained undeterred and mobilized their forces to conduct the procession as they had done for centuries. It marked the first time the seemingly invincible Peronist government faced open opposition.

The situation prompted an urgent meeting between government officials and Church representatives. Present were the Minister of the Interior, Ángel Borlenghi; the Minister of Foreign Relations and Worship, Julio Atilio Bramuglia; the Chief of Police, Miguel Gamboa; and representatives of the Metropolitan Curia, including Monsignors Manuel Tato and Ramón Novoa. The government urged the Church not to proceed with the event, citing concerns about potential violence that might be difficult to prevent. However, these arguments did not intimidate the Catholic congregation in the slightest.

On June 11, 1955, at approximately 3:00 p.m., thousands of men, women, and children gathered in front of the Metropolitan Cathedral to partake in the ceremony. Under the leadership of Monsignor Antonio Rocca, the vicar general, the procession carried the Blessed Sacrament under a canopy while the crowd passionately sang religious hymns. It was a truly awe-inspiring demonstration of faith and determination.


Corpus Christ Procession (Gentileza: Fundación Villa Manuelita)

After the evening mass concluded at 6:00 p.m., a lengthy procession of faithful believers proceeded down Avenida de Mayo towards the National Congress, singing the National Anthem and inviting more people to join along the way. Repeatedly, they chanted slogans like "Christ yes, another no," "Catholic Argentina," "Perón or Christ," "Freedom," and "We are also a people." When they reached Congress, the demonstrators stayed for a while before gradually dispersing in various directions. However, some small groups of agitated militants began shouting anti-government slogans and vandalized a plaque near one of the torches on the building, which commemorated Mrs. Eva Perón lighting the flame on October 18, 1950, the Year of the Liberator General San Martín. Another militant threw two plaques inside the building through the large iron doors. Additionally, they graffitied the walls of Av. Callao and Rivadavia with phrases like "Get out Nero," "Christ wins," and "Zoo Nacional," and painted a large cross over the "V" for victory. Despite these incidents, the group eventually withdrew without further disturbances.

However, the situation didn't end there. Commissioner Gamboa had covertly infiltrated individuals into the demonstration with the aim of causing disruptions. Capitalizing on the fervor and passion of the protesters, these infiltrators proceeded to destroy the windows of the confiscated newspaper "La Prensa" and uttered insults against Perón, Evita, the CGT, and the official newspaper "Democracia." They also vandalized the windshields of some cars. Later that night, militants from the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalistas, members of the General Confederation of Labor, and some members of the Peronist police smeared the statues of Sarmiento, Alberdi, Roque Sáenz Peña, and Rivadavia. They also defaced the fronts of the embassies of Israel and Yugoslavia, and later destroyed a vehicle belonging to the embassy of Peru. State Radio spread false information that the religious demonstration had been small in number but highly aggressive, falsely attributing the excesses to elements unrelated to the demonstration.

The worst incident unfolded the following day when the newspapers, led by "Democracia," emblazoned the headline "BETRAYAL" and reported on the burning of the national flag by "clerical mobs."

According to their accounts, "They set the flag of the Homeland ablaze and raised the flag of the Vatican State at Congress. Clerical groups, led by priests in cassocks, not only offended Evita but also vehemently targeted the CGT and the UES. They resorted to violence by shooting at Democracia and La Prensa, committing a series of grave excesses." "El Laborista" also chimed in, stating: "They burned our flag. Oligarchic clerical elements fomented riots in the city, turning against the people." These views were echoed by other media outlets, all known for their sycophantic stance towards the government.

A distressing photo of Perón, flanked by high-ranking government officials, including Borlenghi and Gamboa, standing next to the charred flag, provided a vivid account of the dreadful event, further fueling emotions to a state of extreme agitation.

On Sunday, June 12, rumors spread that Peronist protesters planned to set fire to the Cathedral. In response to the gravity of the situation, groups from Argentine Catholic Action initiated a communication chain to alert the population and called for a rally in Plaza de Mayo to defend the main temple of the capital. Among the first to respond to the call was Florencio José Arnaudo, a young engineering student and rugby player for the Obras Sanitarias Club's first team, who also played a role in the clandestine publication "Verdad." Arnaudo, an exceptional individual with strong leadership qualities, chronicled those days in his book, "The Year the Churches Burned."

Arnaudo arrived at the square with several friends and connected with the organizers. Subsequently, the majority of Catholic Action members gathered on the steps of the Cathedral, prepared to face the unfolding events.

While conversing with a group of affiliates for about an hour, Arnaudo noticed a small column of Peronist protesters approaching the square, shouting, jumping, and chanting slogans in support of their leader. Among them were ordinary, humble residents from the suburbs, but Arnaudo also observed several thugs and provocateurs associated with the General Confederation of Labor. The presence of the latter saddened him more than angered him, and as he pondered the situation, someone urged the defense group to close ranks on the steps to prevent the approaching group from getting closer.

The newcomers yelled, "Clericals, oligarchs! They are all traitors and sell-outs!" The defense group grew in number with time, enough to halt the Peronist march.

As tension mounted, the Peronist demonstration grew in size, outnumbering the approximately one hundred opponents who stood firm with their arms folded and a defiant demeanor on the steps, maintaining their ranks.

-Perón, Perón! – they chanted as the situation became tense.

At that moment, Monsignor Manuel Tato left the Cathedral to give instructions and try to calm things down.

-Nobody say a word! – He ordered-Nobody move! We will only defend ourselves if we are attacked!

At that crucial moment, someone approached Arnaudo and warned him that individuals in gray raincoats (odd attire for a sunny day) were infiltrating the protesters. Arnaudo tried to reassure the informant but inwardly feared that they might be armed members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista (ALN), a formidable justicialist shock force responsible for the fires of 1953 and several violent attacks against the opposition. Meanwhile, Monsignor Tato, in an effort to maintain control, repeatedly ordered the group not to react or make threatening movements unless the situation demanded it. Concerns grew as the first faithful started arriving for the afternoon mass.


Monsignor Manuel Tato

Completely aware of their protective role, the brave Catholic Action militants created gaps in their ranks, allowing the parishioners to pass through and swiftly closing them once they crossed the human fence they had formed.

Suddenly, a jeep carrying two members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista appeared; one drove, while the other distributed flyers. The vehicle stopped in front of the Cathedral, and one of the individuals in a raincoat approached the occupants briefly. Arnaudo's suspicions were confirmed; these gray-clad men were indeed thugs from the group, ready to cause disturbances. However, Arnaudo chose not to raise alarms at that moment. As the tension grew, hours passed until 6:00 p.m. when the services concluded, and people began hurriedly leaving, with a few remaining inside. The decision was made to stand firm in the place.

By that time, the number of Peronists had significantly increased, surrounding their opponents who totaled around five hundred and sixteen people. Out of these, four hundred and thirty-four were men, mostly stationed outside on the steps of the temple, and the remaining sixty-five were women, along with the seventeen priests inside the Cathedral.

As insults and provocations escalated, a brick was thrown from the Peronist ranks, striking a defender in the face. The young blond boy tumbled down the steps, leaving a trail of blood. Shortly after, another Catholic militant fell backward, holding his head. His comrades lifted both wounded individuals and carried them inside the Cathedral while a barrage of stones, bricks, sticks, and bottles rained down on them.

"Inside! Everyone inside!" several voices shouted simultaneously, urging the defenders to retreat. 

Twenty wounded were taken into the Cathedral, entering through the main door, which remained open.

Arnaudo, ensuring everyone was covered, was the last to enter. Inside, numerous arms struggled to close the heavy doors, contending with the Peronists trying to open them from the outside. Gunshots were heard outside while an individual carrying an Argentine flag fought desperately to enter. Arnaudo approached and struck the stout man with thick glasses several times in the face, breaking his glasses and injuring his eye. Despite this, the man persisted and managed to enter, falling to the floor inside the Cathedral, where someone snatched the flag from him. A barrage of blows, sticks, and kicks rained down on him, almost leaving him unconscious.

"Hit him hard, he's from the Alliance!" someone yelled as the people continued to strike him. Fortunately, merciful hands intervened, moving the man to another part of the temple, sparing him from a potential lynching.

Meanwhile, in the atrium, the Peronists kept pressing to open the doors, and the defenders fiercely struggled to keep them closed.





Contrary to popular belief, the man with the glasses was not a member of the Peronist strike force but a Catholic militant named Pin Errecaborde, who had bravely snatched the flag from an attacker in order to protect it inside the temple. When Arnaudo learned the truth, he felt a deep sense of despair and guilt for his actions. Eager to make amends, he quickly inquired about Errecaborde's whereabouts and was directed to the sacristy, where the wounded were being cared for by some women.

In the sacred confines of the Cathedral, chaos reigned as the constant barrage of bricks, iron, and bottles striking against the doors and walls created an ear-splitting cacophony, and blood-curdling screams filled the air. At the entrances, a group of defenders struggled to unlock the main gate, which remained slightly ajar due to a jammed brick. Despite the combined strength of a dozen strong young men, the task proved insurmountable.

Fearing an attack from the Alliance, Arnaudo sprang into action and recklessly thrust part of his body outside to try and remove the obstacle. Unfortunately, a barrage of projectiles prevented him from succeeding. Meanwhile, another group of defenders, led by Humberto Podetti, broke the benches to arm themselves with clubs and prop up the doors. In the midst of the chaos, women rushed back and forth, tending to the wounded.

Eventually, the brick was dislodged, and the front door was closed, nearly coinciding with the voice of Father Menéndez giving instructions from the pulpit.

- Attention, everyone! Attention!

Upon hearing his call, several young people gathered around Arnaudo.

"We need to organize! We must establish order! Choose a leader!"

There was no doubt about it. Arnaudo was the obvious choice, given his stature, physical strength, and level-headedness. At their request, Arnaudo ascended the pulpit and rallied the defenders, directing them to form two groups—one to protect the temple and another to guard the Curia. He appointed Engineer Isidoro Lafuente as the leader of the former and Augusto Rodríguez Larreta, the leader of the Catholic Youth, to lead the latter. Immediately afterward, Arnaudo arranged for the women and wounded to stay in the sacristy. He then inquired if anyone had weapons, but Father Menéndez expressed their non-violent stance and confirmed that firearms were not present.

Despite this, four young men approached Arnaudo as he descended the pulpit steps and informed him that they were carrying weapons. One had a .32 caliber revolver, while the other two had .22 caliber pistols, and the fourth had a compressed air pistol. Though not an impressive arsenal, it was better than nothing.

Outside, the Peronists were attempting to force their way through the doors using a heavy object as a battering ram. Arnaudo quickly headed towards the Curia to assess the situation. On his way, he passed through the sacristy, where he saw several brave women tending to the wounded, some of whom were in critical condition. Despite the danger and the noise from the angry mob and shattered glass, the women continued their tasks with courage. As he crossed the patio, Arnaudo encountered Monsignor Tato, who was rushing to the temple from the Curia.

Inside the Curia, Engineer Lafuente, wounded in the head, was barricading doors and windows with the help of his cousins and dependents. Father Menéndez arrived shortly after, and Arnaudo asked him if there were other entrances to secure. The priest pointed out the garages, causing concern, as no one had noticed them. Arnaudo quickly rushed to the location and was horrified to find the Peronists attempting to break through the gates in the darkness.

- "Lafuente!" he yelled desperately, calling for Lafuente.

Lafuente hurried to the scene, but before he could take any action, several bricks crashed through the windows in that sector.

"We need to prop up the doors urgently!" Arnaudo exclaimed. A young Navy officer stepped forward, offering his assistance. "Take ten men immediately and shore up that entrance," Lafuente ordered, pointing to the garage entrances.

As the sailor left to follow the directive, Arnaudo armed himself with an improvised club and returned to the Curia's courtyard. A young man stopped him, sharing alarming news that ten thousand CGT workers were marching towards the location, armed and prepared for anything. In response, someone suggested ringing the bells, a proposal that everyone agreed upon. Several individuals rushed to the bell tower's door and, after finding it locked, Captain Eduardo García Puló gave it a powerful kick, causing it to swing open violently. The clamor of the battle now joined the ringing of the bells, a clear plea for help from the defenders.

The Peronists focused their attack on the Curia, believing it to be a vulnerable point of entry. Observers positioned by Arnaudo on rooftops and roofs noticed that the mob had commandeered a car and was using it as a battering ram to repeatedly strike the gates. In doing so, they set the gates on fire, causing the flames to spread towards the building. Members of the Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista and the CGT brandished their weapons and started shooting at anyone who appeared or passed through the openings of the Curia. To protect their lives, Arnaudo ordered all lights to be turned off and instructed everyone not to look outside, knowing that the assailants were shooting with lethal intent.

During this tense moment, a telephone in one of the adjoining rooms kept ringing incessantly. Despite the serious situation, a young boy nearby, thinking it might be an urgent call, opened the door and answered the phone. To his surprise, an anxious "package" lady asked if it was true that the Cathedral was on fire (2). This odd situation momentarily eased tensions and brought some laughter among the defenders. However, their respite was brief, as the Peronists intensified their assault.

Back in the sacristy, Arnaudo encountered Dr. Tomás Casares, a well-known Catholic militant and thinker, who continued to perform the functions of Minister of the Supreme Court of Justice at the express request of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Casares informed Arnaudo that he had just spoken with the police authorities and the head of the Grenadier Regiment on Horseback, demanding their mediation.

"Listen to me, young man," the doctor said to Arnaudo, "as the one in command, if any authorities from the police or the Army arrive, you must notify me immediately, do you understand? Immediately!"

"Yes, Doctor!" Arnaudo responded.

At that point, it became evident that the efforts of the thousand assailants to seize the Cathedral were futile. The defenders, courageously led by Arnaudo, held their ground valiantly, while the Plaza de Mayo filled with onlookers who had come to observe the unfolding events.

Around 9:30 p.m., firefighters and policemen arrived—the former to control the fire and the latter to disperse the Catholic protesters gathered in San Martín and Diagonal Norte, who were demonstrating in support of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Church, and freedom. At that precise moment, after three and a half hours of fighting, the attack ceased. The police approached the doors of the building to communicate with Monsignor Tato and Dr. Casares, while the defenders awaited expectantly inside the temple and the Curia.

Following the dialogue, Casares approached Arnaudo and informed him that everything was now over. The law enforcement officers would guard the place, and the defenders needed to hand over their weapons. Arnaudo and his brave comrades proceeded to deliver their "arsenal"—the .32 revolver, the two .22 pistols, and the compressed air pistol.

In the midst of these events, Arnaudo rushed to a telephone to call his father and notify him of what had happened (3). He also instructed his father to go to the library, retrieve the complete works of Chesterton, and destroy a piece of paper with addresses written on it.

He feared that during a potential raid later that day, this compromising "document" could be discovered, implicating everyone listed in it.

Almost at the same moment that Arnaudo was about to relinquish his position to a comrade, his friend and fellow student, Gastón Bordelois, who had recently been released from prison, approached him with a potential escape plan through the roofs. Arnaudo expressed gratitude for the information but felt it was his responsibility as the head of the defense to remain in his place. Nevertheless, he instructed Bordelois and his other friend, Humberto Podetti, to leave as soon as possible to continue editing "Verdad," their clandestine publication in opposition to Perón's persecution of the Church.

Despite their attempts, neither Podetti nor Bordelois managed to escape, as police officers blocked their way. Podetti returned to Arnaudo, but Bordelois managed to hide, avoiding detection.

During the turmoil, Monsignor Novoa led about fifteen boys to a secret room behind a false panel on the second level of the library, instructing them to remain hidden due to their compromised situations. Some were doing military service and belonged to the Military College and the Naval Academy. (4)

Around 11:00 p.m., Judge Carlos A. Gentile arrived with an arrest warrant for all the defenders, a move that Dr. Casares, who was trying to prevent going to jail, attempted to intercede against. However, his efforts were in vain.

"Abide by the order," he ordered with a sorrowful voice, addressing the defenders. "There is nothing more that can be done."

Monsignor Tato then asked the defenders to comply meekly and not create difficulties, assuring them that they would only be imprisoned for a few hours, as efforts to secure their release would begin shortly. At midnight, he invited everyone to receive Communion, not only to provide spiritual comfort to the brave souls but also to safeguard the Tabernacle and the consecrated hosts from potential desecration.

Men and women lined up, one by one, leaving the historic Cathedral—a tomb of the Liberator of America, the Unknown Soldier of their Independence, and a place of significant historical, artistic, and spiritual value (5). Inside police trucks, although satisfied with their fulfilled duty and comforted by Holy Communion, this small group of Spartans was taken to the National Penitentiary under severe custody and strict surveillance.

Notes

1 Years later actor, comedian and ephemeral priest.
 

2 Florencio Arnaudo, El año que quemaron las iglesias, Cap. XVII “La defensa de la Catedral”.
 

3 Ditto.
 

4 The room would disappear five days later when the Curia it was set on fire by angry mobs, after the aerial bombardment of the capital.

5 The women and priests were released after their names and document numbers were taken.

* Most of the information was taken from  El año que quemaron las iglesias, de Florencio Arnaudo and La Revolución del 55, Book I, Isidoro Ruiz Moreno.