Showing posts with label terrorist attack. Show all posts
Showing posts with label terrorist attack. Show all posts

Thursday, December 11, 2025

Argentina: The Rise of the Peronist Guerrilla

Genesis and Evolution of the Revolutionary Process in Argentina


  

Preliminary Considerations

Several articles have been written about the genesis and evolution of the Revolutionary War in our country, and it would seem redundant to revisit them, given that they all generally mention the same sequence of causes and effects. However, it is never superfluous, as it will always be possible to incorporate new information into what is already known regarding dates, organizations, events, people involved, etc.

Some define the stages of the revolutionary process within the political timeframes of the governments that emerged from electoral processes or military coups; others analyze the process marked by the attitudes and events generated by subversive organizations, or by the outcome achieved by the regular forces that confronted them. Personally, I believe, as have several others, that the analysis to determine the stages should be based on those episodes or events that represent a change or a significant situation between what has occurred and its continuation with the new events that are unfolding. The work to be developed here aims to fall within this framework.


OUTLINE
1. Introduction
2. Origins of the Guerrilla Movement (1955-1965)
3. Creation and Development of the Revolutionary Armed Organizations (1965-1970)
-Revolutionary Workers' Party-People's Revolutionary Army (PRT-ERP)
-Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR)
-Peronist Armed Forces (FAP)
-Armed Forces of Liberation (FAL)
-Montoneros (currently in government)
4. Evolution of the Revolutionary Process – Periods of the War
a. First period (1970 – May 1973)
b. Second period (May 25, 1973 – end of 1974)
c. Third period (1975-1978) d. Fourth period (1978-80).
e. Last period (1980-88).
f. Current situation.

Development


1. Introduction
The Argentine Republic was the theatre of a revolutionary war (RW) that began to take shape in 1956, showed its first signs of guerrilla activity in 1959, escalated in 1970, and reached its peak intensity between 1973 and 1976.

Signs of a military defeat could be seen before May 1973. However, political and legal circumstances turned the successes achieved—through the application of precise and specific justice—into failure, as the relevant legislation was repealed. Revolutionary activity then re-emerged with greater force. Despite this, its annihilation was completed by 1980. However, the military success was not matched politically, and developments in that sphere extended until 1988, persisting in distorted forms to this day.

The objective of this revolutionary process was to seize state power in order to impose a political, economic, and social system—and indeed an entire way of life—that was foreign to our traditions, alien in nature, and opposed to our national values. Fortunately, this ideology ultimately garnered support from only a small minority of the population. Amid a fratricidal conflict, Argentina was able to escape that situation, though to this day, true pacification has not been achieved.

This revolutionary process was not born in Argentina. It was imported, infiltrated, adopted, and developed in the context of a world shaken by ideological movements first proclaimed by Marx and Engels, and later expanded in the 20th century by Lenin, Mao Tse-tung, and other communist theorists who aimed to establish a proletarian world through unlimited violence, national liberation movements, and the unified action of communist countries. These aims constituted the true objectives of the global revolution of that time—a revolution from which Argentina could not escape, due to the actions of both domestic ideologues and others known as “useful idiots.” These actors formed various revolutionary organisations, which will be discussed later, and took part in waging the war on the internal front.

These organisations had complex and clandestine structures, based primarily on a political apparatus for leadership, propaganda, and indoctrination, and an armed-military apparatus responsible for overtly violent, terrorist, and revolutionary actions, forming a true irregular army.

In response to these realities, it became necessary to deploy the armed forces and security services to confront these political and military organisations—this being the only way to prevent them from seizing power, which they could not achieve through legal or democratic means due to their lack of representation.

This course of action was not aimed at achieving a social goal, but rather a political-ideological-revolutionary one—namely, the seizure of power—regardless of the means or methods used, in accordance with their own revolutionary philosophy.

2. Origins of the Guerrilla (1955–1965)

Revolutionary war in Argentina had its genesis immediately after the fall of Perón. Beginning in September 1955, a group of activists known as the "Peronist Resistance", organised and led by John William Cooke—originally a nationalist, later turned Marxist-Leninist—carried out numerous acts of terrorism during the governments of the “Revolución Libertadora”, President Arturo Frondizi, and President Arturo Illia.

In 1959, in the province of Tucumán, several individuals were arrested while operating in the hills, attempting to launch “rural guerrilla” actions. This marked the emergence of a Peronist-aligned guerrilla group called the "Union of Andean Guerrillas", led by a former military officer named Ciro Ahumada. Another similar group, known as the “Uturuncos” (Tigers of the Sierra), operated under the command “17 de Octubre” and its “National Liberation Army”. Lacking support, these groups eventually dissolved but served as precursors to future organisations.

With Fidel Castro’s rise to global prominence, revolutionary momentum spread through Latin America, prompting agitation and violence in Argentina. In 1961, a revolutionary apparatus began forming in Santiago del Estero through the “Popular Indo-American Revolutionary Front” (FRIP), which later became a foundation for the Revolutionary Workers' Party (PRT), based on Trotskyist factions.

Che Guevara’s presence in Bolivia extended the revolutionary process in Latin America. In Orán, Salta, reports from locals and attacks against national gendarmerie personnel led to the discovery of an armed group equipped with automatic weapons, anti-tank weaponry, and explosives. In an abandoned camp, a "war diary" was found, in which guerrilla fighter Hermes Peña Torres (killed in a clash with the gendarmerie) described in detail the ambush of security forces—Orán Squadron—and the execution of two of their own members for violations of internal revolutionary discipline.

In 1964, another guerrilla camp was uncovered in Icho Cruz, Córdoba, named “Camilo Cienfuegos”. It was composed of seven young men with various weapons and explosives. The group, communist in orientation, was led by Juan Enrique Saleme, who had been trained in Cuba.

This period also saw numerous attacks and murders, such as:

  • The attack on Captain Cabrera’s home, resulting in the death of his daughter and serious injury to one of his sons.

  • The armed robbery of the banking polyclinic in Buenos Aires.

  • The bombing of Shell Mex in Córdoba, which killed thirteen workers and injured several others.

  • The discovery on 24 February 1964 of a new guerrilla camp in La Toma, Salta, operated by members of the “People’s Revolutionary Army” (ERP), aligned with Castroist-communist ideology.

  • A major explosion in July 1964 on Posadas Street, Buenos Aires, where a guerrilla was killed while handling explosives. A terrorist cell was discovered, and documents revealed both past actions and planned operations.

These events—and many more—marked the first expressions of armed guerrilla warfare and laid the groundwork for what, in the 1970s, became the revolutionary war in Argentina. During this period, revolutionary organisations carried out more than 1,500 attacks. As a result, President Frondizi implemented the “Conintes Plan” (Internal Commotion), under which the armed forces were tasked—by executive order—with taking direct control of counter-terrorism efforts.

3. Creation and Development of Armed Revolutionary Organisations (1965–1970)

Between 3 and 13 August 1966, a meeting was held in Cuba named the “Tricontinental Conference of Havana”, attended by representatives of revolutionary movements and radical groups from Latin America, Asia, and Africa. At its conclusion, Latin American delegates met separately and, on 31 July 1967, established the “Latin American Solidarity Organisation” (OLAS), with the following main objectives:

  • To promote armed revolutionary struggle in Latin America

  • To coordinate strategy among revolutionary movements

  • To foster solidarity among the peoples of the Americas, defending the Cuban revolution and similar movements across the region

As a result, clandestine armed organisations began forming across Latin America, including preparations for guerrilla warfare in Bolivia, led by Che Guevara and involving both foreign and local fighters.

To meet these goals, OLAS mandated the creation of a military apparatus in each country. In Argentina, the “National Liberation Army” (ELN) was established with the mission of operating in the north to support Che’s campaign in Bolivia. It was divided into three politically independent sectors—1, 2, and 8—which initially engaged in urban guerrilla actions.

With Che Guevara’s death in 1967 and Inti Peredo’s in 1969, guerrilla activity in Bolivia came to an end. The ELN was dissolved, and its three sectors returned to their respective organisations:

  • Sector 1 joined the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (PRT), which, in addition to terrorism, promoted classist activity in factory unions such as SITRAM and SITRAC.

  • Sector 2 formed the Armed Revolutionary Forces (FAR).

  • Sector 8 split into two: one faction created the Montoneros trade union organisation via the group “Christianity and Revolution”; the rest joined the Peronist Armed Forces (FAP).

Meanwhile, a split in the Communist Party in 1967 gave rise to the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR), whose armed wing became the Argentine Liberation Forces (FAL).

Within the PRT, two distinct factions emerged:

  • El Combatiente, supporting armed struggle

  • La Verdad, favouring a political solution

At its 5th Congress in 1970, the El Combatiente line prevailed, resulting in the formation of the armed wing: the People’s Revolutionary Army (ERP).

In 1973, the original Montoneros group and the FAR merged into a new organisation retaining the name Montoneros, chosen for its nationalistic appeal to the Peronist base.

4. Evolution of the Revolutionary Process – War Periods

a) First Period (1970 – May 1973)
The year 1970 clearly marked the beginning of a widespread and coordinated assault on the country’s institutions, social groups, and through specific acts of systematic and selective violence.

The three most powerful organisations emerged publicly, each committing major crimes:

  • Montoneros: Kidnapped, tortured, and murdered former President General Pedro E. Aramburu on Army Day, 29 May 1970.

  • FAR: Took over the town of Garín, Buenos Aires Province, on 30 July 1970.

  • ERP: Raided Police Station No. 24 in Rosario, Santa Fe Province, killing two officers in September 1970.

During this period, the ERP’s terrorist activities were largely conducted by smaller cells focused on propaganda, recruitment, training, and strengthening logistical capacity.

Montoneros and FAR were meanwhile in talks to merge, aiming to infiltrate the political base loyal to Peronism and planning long-term strategies. Both were responsible for high-impact terrorist operations such as:

  • The armed takeover of La Calera on 1 July 1970

  • The attack, weapons theft (70 FAL rifles), and murder of Lieutenant Asúa in Pilar, Buenos Aires Province, on 29 April 1970

  • The kidnapping and murder of FIAT Argentina president Oberdán Sallustro in Buenos Aires on 21 March 1972

  • The ambush and assassination of the deputy commander of the army, General Juan Carlos Sánchez, on 10 April 1972

  • The armed assault and theft of military materials from Communications Battalion 141 in Córdoba Province on 19 February 1973


 

From the perspective of the actions taken by the legal forces and the government, this period was highly significant, as it saw the drafting and implementation of special criminal legislation tailored to this type of activity. Through the work of the National Federal Criminal Court, the main leaders of terrorist organisations, along with nearly all subversive elements, were identified and prosecuted. This resulted in the imprisonment of six hundred terrorists and criminals, and the initiation of legal proceedings against more than one thousand individuals for similar offences. This could have marked the beginning of the end of the armed struggle.

However, that was not the case, as with the arrival of the constitutional government of Dr Cámpora, all these legal measures were repealed.

It is also worth noting that during this period, the fight against armed criminal activity was primarily carried out by police forces, with the support of certain elements from the security services.

b) Second period (25 May 1973 – late 1974)

On 25 May 1973, Dr Cámpora assumed the constitutional presidency and repealed the existing anti-subversive legislation, declaring a total amnesty for all individuals imprisoned for "political reasons".

This period was marked by intense urban guerrilla activity, including numerous attacks, assassinations, and takeovers of towns, largely carried out by the many criminals who had been released from prison. In addition, subversive infiltration penetrated most levels of the state, as well as various social sectors and organisations (including trade unions, student groups, and other intermediary bodies).

Cámpora’s resignation, the elections of 12 September, and the subsequent presidency of General Perón marked a turning point in the relationship between the ruling party—the Justicialist Party—and the subversive organisations. These groups found their political paths blocked and intensified their armed actions, returning to clandestine operations.

The actions carried out during this period reached such a level of magnitude and aggression that they seriously disrupted social order and shocked the population. 

Among the most significant events during this period were:

  • The assassination of the Secretary-General of the CGT, José Ignacio Rucci, on 25 September 1973.

  • The armed assault on the 10th Cavalry Regiment and the 1st Armoured Artillery Group in Azul, Buenos Aires Province. This involved the murder of Colonel Camilo Gay, his wife, and a soldier, as well as the kidnapping of Lieutenant Colonel Jorge Ibarzábal, who was later killed after a prolonged captivity (19 January 1974).

  • The assassination of Federal Judge Jorge Quiroga—formerly a judge on the National Federal Criminal Court who had presided over trials of subversives—on 27 April 1973.

  • The assassination of former Minister of the Interior, Dr Arturo Mor Roig, on 15 July 1974.

  • The armed takeover, theft of weapons, kidnapping, and subsequent murder of Major Argentino del Valle Larrabure, at the Military Gunpowder and Explosives Factory in Villa María, Córdoba, on 12 August 1974.

  • The kidnapping and extortion of Juan and Jorge Born, executives of the Bunge & Born company, who were released following the payment of a $60 million ransom, on 19 September 1974.

  • The murderous attack on the Chief of the Federal Police, Commissioner General Alberto Villar, and his wife, in Tigre, on 1 November 1974.

 

At the same time, in Tucumán, the reconnaissance of the south-western area was completed in preparation for launching a rural guerrilla campaign. The ultimate goal was to declare the province—and its surrounding area—a “liberated zone”, which could potentially lead to international recognition. Beginning on 30 May 1974, with the takeover of the town of Acheral by the ERP company “Ramón Rosa Giménez”, the ERP began its open operations in Tucumán.

c) Third period (1975–1978)

On 9 February 1975, the Army launched “Operation Independence”, with the mission of neutralising and/or annihilating rural subversive activity in Tucumán. This was carried out under Presidential Decree 261/75, and the mission was accomplished after just over a year and a half.

On 23 December 1975, the ERP’s Ramón Rosa Giménez Company attempted to seize Arsenal Battalion 601 in Monte Chingolo. This operation, the most ambitious ever undertaken by the urban guerrilla movement, ended in defeat for the insurgents. It marked a serious blow to the PRT-ERP, leading to the beginning of the dissolution of that company.

The year 1975 represented the peak of revolutionary activity, with significant material and financial resources—largely obtained through foreign support, ransom payments, and robberies carried out within the country. Social unrest deepened as the population faced growing insecurity due to a wave of indiscriminate attacks.

Following the military’s assumption of power, the Armed Forces, Security Forces, and Police Forces intensified counter-revolutionary actions to restore order and bring about the definitive defeat of the irregular forces.

Among the most significant events during this period were:

  • Attack on a C-130 Hercules aircraft in Tucumán, on 28 August 1975.

  • Assault, killings, and theft of weapons from Infantry Regiment 29.

  • Bombing of the Federal Security Superintendency in Buenos Aires on 2 July 1976, resulting in 22 deaths and 60 injuries.

  • Bomb attack at the Military Circle cinema on 17 October 1976, injuring 50 people.

  • Explosion at the Undersecretariat of Planning of the Ministry of Defence on 15 December 1976, which left 14 dead and several injured.


 

The actions of the regular forces in control, intelligence gathering, identification, and prevention led to a decline in revolutionary activity. By late 1976 and throughout 1977, the terrorist organisations began to disintegrate—initially the PRT-ERP, and later the Montoneros. The leaders of these organisations either fled abroad, were killed in open combat with legal forces (as was the case with Mario Roberto Santucho, head of the ERP, in July 1976), or committed suicide to avoid capture.

d) Fourth period (1978–1980)

In 1978, the main focus of the Montoneros was to interfere with preparations for and the hosting of the FIFA World Cup, through an intensive campaign carried out in Western Europe aimed at discrediting Argentina and deterring tourism.

At the same time, the PRT-ERP formed the so-called "ERP Support Command", which re-entered the country to carry out acts of sabotage. However, it was completely neutralised.

That same year, the Montoneros also began preparing what they called the “Counteroffensive Maneuver”. Between January and April 1979, specialised groups arrived clandestinely in Argentina to conduct shock operations, agitation, and propaganda. These groups, known as TEA and TEI, were responsible for three major attacks:
  • The attack and destruction of the home of Dr G. W. Klein, injuring members of his family, on 29 September 1979

  • An attack on Dr Juan Alemán, on 7 November 1979

  • The assassination of engineer Guillermo Soldatti, on 13 November 1979

At the same time, a psychological campaign was launched abroad, aimed at achieving international isolation of the Argentine Republic.

e) Final period (1980–1988)

After the failure of the Counteroffensive campaign, the Montoneros—like the PRT-ERP—decided to abandon armed struggle and pursue their goals through political means.

Following the decision in July 1982 to restore constitutional order in Argentina, the Montoneros resolved to reintroduce their militants into the country, seeking to infiltrate the Justicialist Party (PJ). Their aim was to represent their organisation within the party by appealing to the idea of Peronist unity. This involved a shift in strategy, with a deliberate effort to rebrand themselves from a guerrilla force to a political group.

Despite this repositioning, the PJ maintained a place within its internal structure for revolutionary Peronism, regarding it as the vanguard of a mass movement.

Meanwhile, the PRT reorganised its ranks and entered a period of party reconstruction, which it declared complete during its 7th Congress, held in Argentina in April 1987. From that point on, the PRT aligned itself with the Broad Front for National Liberation (FRAL), led by the Communist Party.

f) Current situation

Analysing the current situation requires a separate and specialised study, as it falls outside the immediate context of this work—not only because of the changes experienced by society itself, but also due to the influence of international forces in the internal affairs of individual countries.

Nevertheless, it can be stated that within the national and political sphere, there is a clear tendency among radical and subversive groups, including so-called front organisations, to seek legal recognition. This would allow them to keep their activity alive, placing them in the best possible position to resume the struggle should conditions permit.

On the international level, this strategy reflects the doctrine of “non-armed approximation”, which in Argentina is being pursued primarily through labour and trade union groups, considered the most likely sectors to initiate armed struggle in the form of a mass urban insurrection.


O. E. Guerrero (Brigadier General, Ret.)

Saturday, September 23, 2023

Antiterrorist War: Courageous Conscripts in Formosa

1975, Formosa: When "El Negro" Luna and his little soldiers defeated Montoneros
Soldier Luna's sister, Jovina, managed to get the State to open its files to find out if the guerrillas who killed Hermindo received compensation. What was the attack called “Operation Scoop” like?
By Ceferino Reato - Infobae




Soldier Hermindo Luna (left of the photo) with two companions

Hermindo Luna is considered the hero of the resistance with glory of the 21-year-old Formosa soldiers who on October 5, 1975, in the midst of the constitutional government of President Isabel Perón, rejected the attempt to take over an Army barracks by Montoneros, one of the two most powerful guerrilla groups of the seventies.

Now, Jovina Luna, one of his sisters, has just gotten the government to open all its files and indicate the names of those who have been compensated as Victims of State Terrorism, political prisoners and exiles. A historic decision, as Infobae anticipated. A request that was systematically denied by Kirchnerism with the argument that this data had to be protected.


The attack left 24 casualties: 12 guerrillas and 12 defenders of the barracks (10 conscripts, a second lieutenant and a sergeant)

The scene seems straight out of a movie: "El Negro" Luna, a Creole born in the countryside of Formosa, was sitting in an armchair with his rifle on his legs; He had the mission of guarding the bedroom where his classmates were taking a nap that hot Sunday.

They were all in custody; that is, in reserve, ready to act in an unforeseen event, for example if the guerrillas decided to attack them, something unlikely because they were fulfilling their mandatory military service in the forgotten periphery of the country, in a barracks in the suburbs of the capital of the province.


Drafted Hermindo Luna

However, at four thirty in the afternoon Luna saw that two young men like him, dressed in blue, also armed with FAL, entered kicking the gate and shouted at him: "Surrender, give me the weapon, the thing is not with you." ". That was when Luna uttered a phrase destined to last: "Nobody gives up here, shit!" He jumped to the side and prepared his rifle. He didn't manage to use it: some FAL shots split him in two. His gesture, however, served to alert the rest of his companions, who woke up from the sound of those gunshots and were able to flee to the back of the block, where the bathrooms and showers were.

“No one gives up here, shit!” Luna managed to shout before being fatally wounded by a FAL shot.
Luna was left lying on the ground, his body cut in two, his viscera draining through the bullet holes. He died little by little, screaming in pain to be killed once and for all. Surely, he had time to think about his parents, those poor peasants from Las Lomitas, who were "Peronists of Perón and Evita," as his conscript son said.

All this occurred during the so-called "Operation Primicia" [Primicia means Scoop in English], the most spectacular attack by the guerrilla of Peronist origin and the baptism of fire of the Montonero Army.

It was the first attack by Montoneros on an Army barracks, whose head was already General Jorge Rafael Videla. There were, in total, twenty-eight deaths, which is why the operation caused a nationwide commotion.



About seventy guerrillas participated directly in "Operation Primicia" in five stages, some of which were simultaneous:

  • Hijacking of Aerolíneas Argentinas Flight 706, with one hundred and two passengers and six crew members, which was headed from Buenos Aires Airport to Corrientes but was diverted to Formosa, 1,190 kilometers from Buenos Aires.
  • Taking over the "El Pucú" international airport, at the entrance to the capital of Formosa. There was a police officer, Argentino Alegre, wounded and finished off on the ground, unarmed, by a guerrilla.
  • Attack on the 29th Monte Infantry Regiment, the second in firepower in the entire country. The Montoneros were convinced that the soldiers were going to surrender easily. They were wrong: in just half an hour of combat, there were twenty-four casualties, twelve guerrillas and twelve defenders of the barracks (ten conscripts or "colimbas", a 21-year-old second lieutenant and a 31-year-old sergeant). The soldier who opened the doors of the barracks, Roberto Mayol, a man from Santa Fe who was studying law and was a "second officer" of Montoneros, also died.
  • Escape of the guerrillas who survived the attack in the very modern Boeing 737-200 of Aerolíneas and in a four-seater Cessna 182 that served to confuse the pursuers in the air.
  • Landing of the Airlines plane 700 kilometers from Formosa, on a runway prepared for the occasion in a ranch near Rafaela, the "Pearl of the West" of Santa Fe. The Cessna landed in a rice field on the outskirts of Corrientes.


The Aerolíneas Argentinas aircraft that the guerrillas hijacked

"Operación Primicia" (Scoop) was designed and directed by the "senior officer" Raúl Yaguer, better known as "El Gringo", "Roque" or "Mario", a methodical and caustic chemical engineer from Santa Fe who was number four in the national leadership of Montoneros. The first three in the hierarchy, Mario Firmenich, Roberto Perdía and Roberto Quieto, approved the takeover.

After the attack, Army patrols left the barracks and killed three neighbors—among them a 15-year-old high school student—who had nothing to do with the guerrilla.

One of the political consequences of "Operation Primicia" was that Videla and the head of the Navy, Admiral Emilio Massera, set March 24, 1976 as the date of the coup that they had been organizing for three months. I explain all this in my book "Operación Primicia", whose first edition was published in 2010.


The dead soldiers were all Peronists; almost all came from the interior of Formosa

Furthermore, the day after the attack, the Peronist government signed three memorable decrees that delegated the fight against the guerrillas to the Armed Forces. From that moment on, the disappearances began.

Over time, the relatives of the dead guerrillas were compensated as if they had been Victims of State Terrorism with the equivalent of one hundred times the highest salary of the national public administration, about 5 million pesos today.


The mother of Marcelino Torales, one of the conscripts killed

At the time of publication of my book, the relatives of eight of the twelve dead guerrillas had received payment. Two other compensation payments were pending. At that time, I tried to interview the sister of Mayol, the soldier/guerrilla who is considered a traitor by the soldiers and military, and a hero by the former guerrillas and their sympathizers. She did not want to be interviewed for the book, but she told me, informally, that, although they had the best of memories of her brother, her family did not plan to ever collect that compensation.

Meanwhile, the parents of the dead colimbas receive a very low pension, which in 2010 was 842 pesos per month. That year, compensation for Victims of State Terrorism amounted to 620,919 pesos.


Boero and Briggiler died in the attack on the barracks, but they appear in the Monument to the Victims of State Terrorism, on the Buenos Aires Coast

There was not only gold but also bronze for the attackers: the dead guerrillas are remembered as heroes and martyrs in their towns and cities, and appear in the Monument to the Victims of State Terrorism located on the Buenos Aires waterfront.

The dead conscripts were part of an unfortunate group made up of the "Sunday afternoon soldiers", that is, the poorest, who did not have money to visit their families in the interior of the province and used to exchange their francs for a small sum of money, like Luna, and the most generous, like Edmundo Sosa, a fatherless boy who, first, postponed his discharge so that a companion who was poorer than him and had two children to feed could come in his place, and Then, that Sunday, October 5, he had given his franc to another colleague so that he could go to Clorinda to earn a few pesos hauling bags of smuggled flour to Paraguay.

A simple calculation indicated that Sosa's mother, for example, should have collected that pension of 842 pesos every month for 61 and a half years of her life to reach the sum already received by the relatives of each of the guerrillas. And without inflation.



With the exception of Formosa, national-level soldiers typically do not receive tributes or recognition anywhere else. However, there is a possibility that their relatives may soon be eligible for compensation equivalent to what the families of deceased guerrillas have already received. The Defense Commission of the Chamber of Deputies is currently reviewing two bills. One has been proposed by Martín Hernández, a Formoseño deputy from the radical party, while the other is presented by Carlos Kunkel, a Kirchnerist deputy with a past affiliation to the "Montonero Army." Kunkel is now seeking to somehow rectify what he calls "the mistakes we made."

Three years ago, Ricardo Buryaile, another radical representative from Formosa who is currently the Minister of Agriculture, introduced a bill aimed at equalizing subsidies. However, despite numerous discussions, the project was not approved due to opposition from Kirchnerist deputies associated with La Cámpora and various human rights organizations.

Surviving soldiers, many of whom remain in precarious financial situations, have requested a subsidy, but both the Army and the national government have denied their request. Meanwhile, Federal Judge Claudio Bonadio is conducting an investigation to determine whether any wrongdoing occurred in the payment of compensation to the families of deceased guerrillas.


The Formosian little soldiers resist to be forgotten and keep making noise.

*Excecutive editor of Fortuna magazine and  author of Operación Primicia.