Wednesday, October 16, 2024

Argentine Army: 11th Armored Artillery Group



Grupo de Artillería Blindado 11 "Coronel Juan Bautista Thorne"

11th Armored Artillery Group "Colonel Juan Bautista Thorne"



VCA Palmaria conducting maneuvers during training.

It belongs to the 9th Mechanized Infantry Brigade 'Colonel Luis Jorge Fontana' of Comodoro Rivadavia - Province of CHUBUT.

'THE YOUNGEST, SOUTHERNMOST, AND MOST MODERN UNIT OF THE ARTILLERY BRANCH. "

 

Biografía del Coronel D Juan Bautista THORNE 
 
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE 11th ARMORED ARTILLERY GROUP

The creation of the southernmost unit of the branch, the 11th Armored Artillery Group, dates back to November 29, 1979.

The Artillery Group was initially established as a core unit in the town of Comandante Luis Piedra Buena on February 23, 1980, under the organic command of the 11th Mechanized Brigade. Its first Commander was Major Héctor Obeid.

On June 20, 1981, its barracks were inaugurated, along with the current 11th Engineers Battalion
.



Iveco Transport Vehicle

During the South Atlantic Conflict, the unit carried out various activities, among which the fulfillment of Strategic Operational Security missions stood out, occupying positions in Puerto San Julián and Güer Aike, and then returning to its peacetime station once the conflict ended.

On December 20 of that same year, its designation was changed to the 11th Artillery Group, with its main equipment being the 155mm towed Schneider gun.

In 1984, it modernized its equipment with 18 155mm towed SOFMA Argentine Model guns, thereby increasing its range and firepower.



Firing of a VCA Palmaria piece from the 11th Armored Artillery Group in the town of Azul.

In 1992, the unit's personnel began participating in Peacekeeping Operations in Croatia, Cyprus, Kuwait, and Haiti.




In 1997, with the arrival of the first domestically produced 155mm Palmaria Self-Propelled Artillery Vehicles, the unit began its transformation into an armored unit, changing its designation to the 11th Armored Artillery Group on May 16, thereby increasing its maneuverability, mobility, and firepower.


Maintenance Activities

On November 20, 2007, the Argentine Army bestowed the unit with the historic name of Colonel Juan Bautista Thorne, in honor of the man who explored Southern Patagonia and participated, among other actions, in the Desert Campaign, the Battle of Vuelta de Obligado, and the defense of Martín Garcia Island.




The 11th Armored Artillery Group, the southernmost, youngest, and most modern unit of the Artillery, continues to carry out its activities in fulfillment of its assigned missions, developing and enhancing an unparalleled esprit de corps that characterizes it, and demonstrating its professionalism in war preparation, in the support provided to the community, and in the participation of its personnel in Peacekeeping Missions.

 

 
 
Unit Commander and Gun Crew Personnel.
 
Gun Crew and Mechanics and Engineers Personnel.

 
 
 
 
A few more of the VCA vehicles from the 11th Armored Artillery Group.




 


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Fotos: Hawkeye

Sunday, October 13, 2024

1955 Revolution: The FLOMAR Bombs Mar del Plata


The cruiser "9 de Julio" bombs positions in Mar del Plata.

The Sea Fleet on the Attack




Mar del Plata. Fuel depots in flames. (Photo: Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, La Revolución del 55, Tomo II)


Until the night of the 18th, no one knew where the Sea Fleet was located. At the time of the outbreak, the fleet was anchored in Puerto Madryn and consisted of the cruisers 17 de Octubre and La Argentina; the destroyers Buenos Aires, San Luis, Entre Ríos, and San Juan; the frigates Hércules, Heroína, and Sarandí; the salvage ship Charrúa; and the repair ship Ingeniero Iribas, under the command of Captains Fermín Eleta and Adolfo Videla, Commanders Eladio Vázquez, Benigno Varela, Aldo Abelardo Pantín, Mario Pensotti, Pedro Arhancet, Leartes Santucci, and César Goria, Commander Marco Bence, and Commander Jorge Mezzadra respectively.

Vice Admiral Juan C. Basso commanded the fleet from his flagship, the 17 de Octubre, assisted by Rear Admiral Néstor Gabrielli, commander of the Cruiser Force, aboard La Argentina; Captain Raimundo Palau, commander of the Destroyer Squadron, aboard Entre Ríos; and Captain Agustín Lariño, commander of the Frigate Division, aboard Hércules. On the 17 de Octubre were also the Chief of Operations, Commander Enrique Gunwaldt, and Captain Raúl Elsegood, Chief of Staff.

The first sign of the uprising reached the fleet at 08:22 on September 16, when Vice Admiral Basso received a communication from the Naval Operations Command informing him of recent events. Two and a half hours later (11:00), rebel officers led by Captain Agustín P. Lariño and Commander Aldo Pantín gathered aboard the Hércules to begin the mutiny and take control of the fleet.

As planned, Grunwaldt, supported by Captain Manuel Rodríguez, the Communications Chief Captain Félix E. Fitte, and Lieutenant Rodolfo Fasce, moved to the 17 de Octubre with the mission to subdue its commander and Captains Raúl Elsewood and Fermín Eleta. At gunpoint, they were locked in a cabin under the guard of Lieutenant Ricardo Bustamante. Ruiz Moreno recounts that during this time, Lieutenant José A. Lagomarsino proceeded to rip out the internal telephone cables, thereby cutting off communication for the loyal elements on board.

Minutes later, Commander Carlos A. Borzone reported from La Argentina that the situation on the ship was under control, as it was on the Buenos Aires, Entre Ríos, and the rest of the units. On the Buenos Aires, Rear Admiral Gabrielli was subdued by Captain Videla; on the Entre Ríos, its commander, Captain Vázquez, detained his second-in-command and a lieutenant; and on the last vessel, Captain Pantín did the same with Captain Palau, the head of the Destroyer Squadron.

A confusing incident occurred on the flagship when Captain Lariño, arriving from the Hércules, appeared. Suspecting his intentions, Captain Grunwaldt ordered his arrest, unaware that Lariño was a declared supporter of the revolution. He had Lariño locked in the commander's cabin. Captain Alberto Tarelli had to intervene to clarify the situation, securing Lariño’s immediate release. As Ruiz Moreno explains, Lariño remained on board the 17 de Octubre as a tactical command officer and never returned to the Hércules.

Before departing, Lariño ordered that the detained officers be transferred to the Ingeniero Iribas, which at that time was docked in Puerto Madryn. Deeply saddened by the situation of his superior, Vice Admiral Basso, whom he respected and admired, Lariño instructed that as they left the ship, Basso be given the honors due to a commander.


Basso was a loyal man, a true gentleman, and a stickler for regulations and orders from his superiors. Despite his many disagreements with the government, he remained loyal to it. Many officers were deeply moved when they saw him leave the ship, including Lariño himself, who stood watching from a distance as the vice admiral ordered his flag to be lowered.[1]

Shortly after the fleet's uprising, a Catalina aircraft landed in Puerto Madryn, carrying the officers that Commanders Perren and Rial had sent to take control: Captains Carlos Bruzzone, Mario Robbio, and Luis Mallea; Commanders Raúl González Vergara and Recaredo Vázquez; and Lieutenant Benjamín Oscar Cosentino. Once ashore, they were taken aboard the ships and briefed on the recent developments.

Robbio was appointed Chief of Staff, with Vázquez and González Vergara as his aides. Mallea was named head of the Destroyer Squadron, and Bruzzone was made commander of the 17 de Octubre. Lariño remained as fleet commander, with the other officers continuing in their respective posts.

After ordering the Destroyer Squadron to return immediately to Puerto Madryn, the fleet's command informed the crews that anyone who felt obligated to remain loyal to the national government and did not wish to fight against it could disembark without fear of reprisal. Of the 6,000 personnel aboard, only 85 chose to disembark, most of them conscripts. Two officers, Félix Darquier and Alcides Cardozo, seven petty officers, and two sailors were among those who left the fleet, using a tugboat designated for the task, which picked them up from each naval unit.

The fleet was now in open rebellion. Under these circumstances, it weighed anchor and set off northward, divided into two groups. The main group, led by the 17 de Octubre, headed toward the Río de la Plata, while the remaining destroyers San Luis, Entre Ríos, Buenos Aires, and San Juan set course for Puerto Belgrano.

By midday on September 18, the fleet was sailing north at full speed, maintaining radio silence. Its crew members felt a mix of indescribable emotion and deep confusion. The Navy was heading to battle for the first time in the century, not since the revolution of 1893 and the battle of El Espinillo had they faced such a situation, which carried great significance. It was the moment many had awaited, though something still weighed heavily on them—the conflict was between countrymen, and this deeply affected the sailors' morale. By this point, many lives had already been lost, and many wondered how many more would follow.

Until the night of September 18, no one knew where the Sea Fleet was located. At the time of the uprising, it had been anchored in Puerto Madryn, composed of the cruisers 17 de Octubre and La Argentina; the destroyers Buenos Aires, San Luis, Entre Ríos, and San Juan; the frigates Hércules, Heroína, and Sarandí; the salvage ship Charrúa; and the repair ship Ingeniero Iribas. These vessels were commanded by Captains Fermín Eleta and Adolfo Videla, Commanders Eladio Vázquez, Benigno Varela, Aldo Abelardo Pantín, Mario Pensotti, Pedro Arhancet, Leartes Santucci, and César Goria, Lieutenant Commander Marco Bence, and Commander Jorge Mezzadra, respectively.

Vice Admiral Juan C. Basso commanded the fleet from his flagship, the 17 de Octubre, assisted by Rear Admiral Néstor Gabrielli, commander of the Cruiser Force, aboard La Argentina; Captain Raimundo Palau, commander of the Destroyer Squadron, aboard the Entre Ríos; and Captain Agustín Lariño, commander of the Frigate Division, aboard the Hércules. On the 17 de Octubre, the Chief of Operations, Commander Enrique Gunwaldt, and Captain Raúl Elsegood, Chief of Staff, were also aboard.

The first signal of the uprising reached the fleet at 08:22 on September 16, when Vice Admiral Basso received a communication from the Naval Operations Command informing him of the recent events. Two and a half hours later, at 11:00, rebel officers led by Captain Agustín P. Lariño and Commander Aldo Pantín met aboard the Hércules to initiate the mutiny and take control of the fleet.

As planned, Grunwaldt, supported by Captain Manuel Rodríguez, Communications Chief Captain Félix E. Fitte, and Lieutenant Rodolfo Fasce, moved to the 17 de Octubre with the mission to subdue its commander and Captains Raúl Elsewood and Fermín Eleta. At gunpoint, they were locked in a cabin under the guard of Lieutenant Ricardo Bustamante. Ruiz Moreno recounts that during this time, Lieutenant José A. Lagomarsino ripped out the internal telephone cables, cutting off communication for the loyal elements on board.

Early morning of September 19. The cruiser *9 de Julio* opens fire on the fuel depots at the port of Mar del Plata.(Imagen: gentileza Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

Minutes later, Commander Carlos A. Borzone reported from La Argentina that the situation aboard was under control, as it was on the Buenos Aires, Entre Ríos, and the other ships. On the Buenos Aires, Rear Admiral Gabrielli had been subdued by Captain Videla; on the Entre Ríos, Captain Vázquez had detained his second-in-command and a lieutenant; and on the Entre Ríos, Captain Pantín had done the same with Captain Palau, the head of the Destroyer Squadron.

A confusing incident took place aboard the flagship when Captain Lariño arrived from the Hércules. Suspicious of him, Captain Grunwaldt ordered his arrest, unaware that Lariño was a declared supporter of the revolution, and had him locked in the commander's cabin. Captain Alberto Tarelli had to intervene to clear up the situation, securing Lariño’s immediate release. As Ruiz Moreno explains, Lariño remained aboard the 17 de Octubre as a tactical command officer and never returned to the Hércules.

Before departing, Lariño ordered the transfer of the detained officers to the Ingeniero Iribas, which was docked at Puerto Madryn. Deeply saddened by the situation of his superior, Vice Admiral Basso, whom he admired and respected, Lariño ordered that Basso be given full honors as a commander when he left the ship.

Basso was a loyal man, a true gentleman, and a strict follower of regulations and orders from his superiors. Despite his disagreements with the government, he remained loyal. Many officers were moved when they saw him leave the ship, including Lariño, who watched from a distance as the vice admiral ordered his flag to be lowered.

Shortly after the fleet's mutiny, a Catalina aircraft landed in Puerto Madryn, carrying the officers that Commanders Perren and Rial had sent to take command: Captains Carlos Bruzzone, Mario Robbio, and Luis Mallea; Commanders Raúl González Vergara and Recaredo Vázquez; and Lieutenant Benjamín Oscar Cosentino. Once on land, they were taken aboard the ships and briefed on the latest developments.

Robbio was appointed Chief of Staff, with Vázquez and González Vergara as his aides, Mallea as head of the Destroyer Squadron, and Bruzzone as commander of the 17 de Octubre. Lariño remained the commander of the Navy, with the rest of the officers continuing in their respective posts.

After ordering the immediate return of the Destroyer Squadron to Puerto Madryn, the fleet command informed the crews that anyone who felt compelled to remain loyal to the national government and did not wish to fight against it could disembark without fear of reprisal. Of the 6,000 personnel on board, only 85 chose to leave, most of them conscripts. Two officers, Félix Darquier and Alcides Cardozo, seven petty officers, and two sailors were among those who left the fleet, using a specially designated tugboat to pick them up from each naval unit.

The fleet was now in open rebellion. Under these circumstances, it weighed anchor and set sail northward, divided into two groups. The main force, led by the 17 de Octubre, headed for the Río de la Plata, while the destroyers San Luis, Entre Ríos, Buenos Aires, and San Juan made their way to Puerto Belgrano.

By midday on September 18, the Navy was heading north at full speed and maintaining radio silence. The crew members felt a mix of indescribable emotion and confusion. The Navy was going to war for the first time in this century, having last seen combat during the revolution of 1893 at the battle of El Espinillo, which carried significant meaning. It was the moment many had anticipated, though something didn’t sit right with them—the conflict was between fellow countrymen, and this weighed heavily on the sailors' morale. Many lives had already been lost, and many wondered how many more would follow.

To avoid detection, the fleet maintained complete radio silence, while aboard the ships, some sailors speculated about various possibilities. The worst fear was that, after passing Puerto Belgrano, the fleet might launch a massive attack on Bahía Blanca, Punta Alta, and the rebel bases.




The bridge of the cruiser 17 de Octubre  (Imagen: gentileza Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

What concerned the commanders was the inability to establish contact with the River Squadron due to the loss of the communication codes. Without them, any messages would be intercepted and decoded, revealing the operational plan. Two days later, the Sea Fleet reached the "Recalada" pontoon and joined the River Squadron.

Once inside the estuary, the minesweeper Robinson approached the 17 de Octubre, carrying Commander Carlos Sánchez Sañudo, who eagerly boarded the ship to greet his commander, Captain Bruzzone. From the bridge, Sánchez Sañudo called Admiral Rojas, and minutes later, the great cruiser, the flagship of the Argentine Navy, sailed past the Murature with its crew lined up on deck, firing seventeen salvos in honor of the new commander of the unified fleet. Following the cruiser, La Argentina did the same, its crew on deck, while thick plumes of smoke rose from its chimneys. As Ruiz Moreno recounts, "…seventeen crisp cannon shots affirmed the fleet’s subordination to its new commander."

Rojas, filled with emotion, watched the scene from the patrol vessel, accompanied by General Uranga and his senior naval and army officers, living what he described as the most sublime moment of his life and the pinnacle of his career. He was overwhelmed with pride, and the emotion reinvigorated him.

That same morning, with the wind whipping across the decks of the ships, Admiral Rojas boarded the 17 de Octubre, raised his flag on the mainmast, and at 11:45, issued the following statement: "The Sea Fleet has united with the River Squadron. I assume command as Commander-in-Chief." Fifteen minutes later, he announced by radio the blockade of the ports and declared the fleet to be in a state of belligerence.

At 18:00 on September 16, the destroyers San Luis and Entre Ríos entered Puerto Belgrano and docked at the main pier. Nearby, the 9 de Julio was completing its preparations to set sail the following day to join the fleet. By 22:00, the Buenos Aires and San Juan had arrived, followed shortly after by other units.

Aboard the Entre Ríos was Captain Palau, who had been detained and, upon arrival in port, was taken to the Moreno along with Senior Petty Officer Aníbal López, a known Peronist sympathizer. Both were locked up with the other prisoners.

The destroyers unloaded their torpedoes and depth charges and were then resupplied with the appropriate ammunition and provisions. Late into the night, after six hours of intense work, the naval operators finished refueling the ships, while the 9 de Julio was equipped with the necessary ammunition to supply each of the fleet’s units. After testing the machinery, fire control system, and mast antenna, everything was ready for departure. The unit was placed under the command of Captain Bernardo Benesch, with Commander Alberto M. de Marotte as his second-in-command and Commander Raúl Francos as chief of artillery.


The Naval Base at Mar del Plata was also a target of the rebel fleet. (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Frigate "Sarandí"  (Image: gentileza Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Frigate "Hércules" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Destroyer "San Juan" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Destroyer "San Luis" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


The cruiser La Argentina, flagship of Admiral Rojas until his transfer to the 17 de Octubre in the early hours of September 19. (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Destroyer "Buenos Aires" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Workshop Ship "Ingeniero Iribas" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Upon learning that the Navy had gathered in the Río de la Plata, the government ordered an air attack, given the success of the Air Force’s actions against the River Squadron on September 16. As a result, Admiral Luis J. Cornes, the Navy Minister, contacted Commander Crexell to inform him of the decision. The minister ordered Crexell to head immediately to the Morón Air Base, where Avro Lincoln bombers were operating, and where his friend, Commodore Luis A. Lapuente, was waiting to plan the mission.

Crexell was presented with two options: attack Espora Naval Base to neutralize the Naval Aviation units operating against the Army, or attack the fleet itself, a symbol now in the hands of the rebels. Crexell did not hesitate, believing that the fleet posed a far greater threat, especially with its firepower threatening Buenos Aires itself. In his opinion, it was more advantageous to keep the southern base intact and focus on harassing the ships that were endangering the capital.

Crexell and Lapuente met at the airbase, where Lapuente had been studying an attack plan. They agreed that the best course of action was to strike the fleet. They were confident of success because the large ships had ventured too deep into the waters of the Río de la Plata, limiting their maneuverability under attack. A significant development confirmed that the fleet was the right target: the Naval Intelligence Service deciphered codes from Puerto Belgrano, informing the government of the rebels’ communications.

At that time, the rebel radio stations were broadcasting news that the Navy would bomb Buenos Aires at noon, which prompted state-run broadcasters to quickly deny the claim, downplaying the enemy’s strength.

On the morning of September 17, the cruiser 9 de Julio and the destroyers Buenos Aires, San Luis, San Juan, and Entre Ríos set sail, heading directly towards the Río de la Plata. The next morning, Admiral Rojas was discussing matters in the command room with Commander Andrés Tropea when he received an urgent message from General Lonardi, informing him of the dire situation the revolutionary troops in Córdoba were facing.

Recognizing the gravity of the situation, Rojas convened his staff, briefed them, and decided on a show of force to relieve pressure on the rebel positions. It was decided that, if the units in Mar del Plata did not align with the revolution, they would bombard the fuel tanks, the Submarine Base, and the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment at Camet—a measure requested by Puerto Belgrano. At 17:11 on September 18, the cruiser 17 de Octubre sent the following directive to its sister ship, the 9 de Julio: "Destroy the oil and gasoline depots at Mar del Plata, with prior warning to the population." Two hours later (19:02), the Destroyer Squadron received another message: "... destroy the oil tanks at Mar del Plata and bombard the Anti-Aircraft Regiment."

Leading the group, the 9 de Julio changed course and headed toward its targets.

Shortly after receiving the order, an unexpected event created tension aboard the 9 de Julio. Senior Petty Officer Miguel Spera, aware that the fleet would attack Mar del Plata, attempted to incite a mutiny among the crew, attacking an officer. He was shot dead at 22:30, and as his body was removed from the engine room, ten other suspects were arrested and locked in a cabin, heavily guarded by an armed detail.

Almost immediately, another shocking event confused the high command: Captain Bernardo Benesch refused to open fire on Mar del Plata, demonstrating that some still had not fully accepted that they were at war. Benesch declared that he would not shoot and locked himself in his cabin. If that was his stance, he should have spoken up earlier, disembarking at Puerto Belgrano when the command gave anyone who disagreed with the revolution the option to leave. His remaining aboard only to refuse the order at the critical moment indicated mere speculation on his part, and he was ordered to leave the unit immediately.

Commander Alberto de Marotte assumed command, and the attack mission continued as planned.

By that time, the fleet, led by the 9 de Julio, had reached the waters off Mar del Plata. At 21:15, the destroyer Entre Ríos sent a message to the Submarine Base, warning that if they did not align with the revolution, they would be bombed at dawn. The message also instructed that the civilian population be warned and stated that any forces resisting would be attacked. The message further specified the evacuation of the area from Playa Bristol to Playa Grande, extending five blocks inland. "To avoid further destruction, I demand the immediate presence of the director of the Anti-Aircraft School and the commander of the Submarine Force on board. If by midnight, the local radio stations have not broadcast the evacuation order, the Naval Base will be included among the targets to be bombed."

While these events unfolded, the repair ship Ingeniero Gadda and the submarine Santiago del Estero were heading toward the Río de la Plata, the latter commanded by Captain Juan Bonomi, who had left the Mar del Plata Base after the mutiny. Both vessels effectively carried out blockade and surveillance duties, with the submarine engaging when unidentified aircraft appeared.

The incident occurred in the early afternoon while the submarine and repair ship were following Admiral Rojas’ orders to approach Montevideo, issued at 08:50. The Ingeniero Gadda took position near Cabo Polonio, while the submarine moved closer to the designated point. At 13:10, the Santiago del Estero’s radar detected unidentified aircraft, prompting Captain Bonomi to sound the alarms. Five minutes later, he ordered his gunners to open fire with the 40mm Bofors cannon. At 13:20, he sent the terse message: "I have repelled attacks from enemy aircraft." Unable to dive due to the shallow waters of the Río de la Plata, the submarine, now a highly vulnerable target, had no choice but to shoot.

The Santiago del Estero was first overflown by two Uruguayan Air Force planes on a patrol mission, and later by a loyalist aircraft that passed overhead at low altitude. The submarine fired but missed both targets, forcing the first to maintain a distance and the second to turn away toward Buenos Aires without launching an attack. Thus, for the first time in Argentine history, Navy submarines engaged in combat.

"Submarines are particularly vulnerable on the surface; their protection lies in diving, and any minor hull damage could prevent them from submerging, leaving them defenseless against air attacks. The audacity and bravery of Commander Bonomi, commanding the Santiago del Estero, were well-known, and once again, he demonstrated them by venturing into the shallow waters of the Río de la Plata under the threat of government aircraft, where diving was impossible. Repelling air attacks with only a single 40mm Bofors gun was a situation that any naval officer would understand, and I could clearly appreciate the feelings of those with me when I received the brief message," wrote Rear Admiral Jorge E. Perren in his account [2].

On the morning of September 18, Commander Enrique Plater, commander of the Submarine Base, boarded a boat to meet with Commander Miguel Mauro Gamenara aboard the corvette República. He attempted to persuade Gamenara to join the rebel forces, but Plater stood his ground and left to meet secretly with Colonel Francisco Martos, head of the Anti-Aircraft Regiment at Camet, trying to convince him not to resist.

The details of that meeting and another that took place later near the city’s fire station are well-documented in Ruiz Moreno's work. Martos, believing the threat of bombing to be mere bluster, refused to notify the population to evacuate and, suspecting that Plater was a revolutionary sympathizer, attempted to detain him.



The destroyer Entre Ríos was one of the ships that attacked Camet (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

From the bridge of the Entre Ríos, communication was established with the base, demanding the presence of Plater and his second-in-command, Commander Francisco Panzeri, under the threat of initiating action if they did not comply. This made it clear that neither of the two officers supported the rebels, leading Martos to release them.

Plater and Panzeri returned to the base, observed by numerous Federal Police forces that Martos had deployed along the coast, reinforced by armed civilians from the Justicialist Party. At 03:10, Plater returned to the Entre Ríos, accompanied by Commander Rafael González Aldalur. Half an hour later, he left the ship, deeply saddened by his failure to reach an agreement. He had engaged in a heated argument with Captain Pantín, who harshly criticized him for not preventing bloodshed, leaving Plater confused and unsure of how to proceed.

The Mar del Plata Naval Base was in a grave situation, threatened from the sea by the rebel fleet and surrounded on land by loyalist forces. In a severely demoralized state, Plater asked Panzeri to raise a white flag in surrender and prepare to lay down arms, but Panzeri refused.

At 05:30, Plater convened a meeting with his officers to inform them of the situation. His state of mind was such that his second-in-command, Commander Mario Peralta, forcefully rebuked him, demanding that he act according to his rank and urging him to choose a side. When Plater failed to do so, Peralta took command, declared in favor of the uprising, and alerted the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment and the Federal Police to warn the civilian population of the impending attack. Ten minutes later, the 9 de Julio sounded the call to battle stations and aimed its guns at the target.

At 06:10 on September 19, a Martín Mariner aircraft, returning to Puerto Belgrano after a failed mission to bomb the Dock Sud refineries, made contact with the 9 de Julio, requesting permission to bomb the fuel depots at the port of Mar del Plata. Permission was granted, and the naval aircraft approached the large tanks, dropping its bombs under cover of night before retreating southward.

Although none of the bombs hit their target, the maneuver served to show the local forces that the threat was real. The detonations startled the population, many of whom were still asleep at the time, and some rushed out of bed to see what was happening through their windows. The darkness of the night made it difficult to see, though the glow of flames eerily illuminated the cloud-covered sky above the city.

On the 9 de Julio, orders were being exchanged rapidly. In the Fire Control Center, the Chief of Artillery, Commander Raúl Francos, prepared to open fire as the ship rocked from the heavy waves. At 06:15, Commander De Marotte announced over the loudspeakers that, following orders from Fleet Command, they were preparing to open fire on the first target: the fuel depots in Mar del Plata. He also stated that the destroyers would target the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment at Camet and reassured the crew that the targets were strictly military, with civilians being evacuated by city authorities. He further declared: "The purpose of these actions is to show those who have debased the country, trampling on freedom, laws, and the dearest Argentine values, that the revolutionary forces are determined to eliminate the perpetrators of such infamies. If necessary, we will also attack the port of Buenos Aires."

His final words were meant to raise spirits: "As Argentines, it pains us greatly to fire upon our own, but the blindness of those who have dishonored justice and led us into moral ruin forces us to take this extreme measure. The Nation expects everything from our courage and our strict adherence to duty. Crew of the cruiser 9 de Julio: man your battle stations!"

In addition to this stirring address, Ruiz Moreno recounts the orders sent from the bridge to the information center: with heading 180, speed 5, revolutions 0-5-1, and a distance of 9-1, 9-1, the cruiser entered the sector, and at 07:14, the attack began.

The three guns in each of the five artillery turrets fired a first salvo, shaking the ship. Four more salvos followed, with each turret firing one gun at a time, and all three firing simultaneously from the fourth volley onward. The target was hit directly. Three tanks exploded in flames, sending out thick tongues of fire that lit up the night ominously. Despite the darkness, the lookouts aboard the ship could make out several tanks still intact, prompting a resumption of the bombardment. Another barrage of shells fell on the area, transforming it into an inferno. The explosions created a thick cloud of smoke that began drifting horizontally towards Miramar, carried quickly by the winds.

In the pre-dawn darkness, the civilian population hurriedly evacuated the area under persistent rain.



The fuel depots at the port of Mar del Plata are ablaze after the naval bombardment.

At a distance of 289 degrees and 9,700 yards, the 9 de Julio launched its final attack at 07:23, once again targeting the fuel depots. A total of 68 six-inch shells were fired, destroying nine of the eleven oil tanks and severely damaging the tenth. The shells landed with remarkable precision, within an area 200 meters long and 75 meters wide, with only five shells falling outside that range, no more than 200 meters from its boundary. No civilians were injured.

After 10 minutes of shelling, the 9 de Julio withdrew to provide anti-aircraft cover for the destroyers as they began their operations.

While the fleet was attacking the oil tanks, the Submarine Base was being surrounded by loyalist forces from the Federal Police, Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment troops who had positioned their 40mm Bofors cannons on the hills surrounding the golf course, and heavily armed Peronist civilians. As a result, Commander Peralta, acting commander of the base, urgently requested support from the Destroyer Squadron for artillery cover: "I estimate I am about to be attacked. Request artillery support." The response came quickly.

-"I will provide fire support immediately. You must designate a ground spotter and establish a link on channel GAS-1."

The destroyers Entre Ríos, Buenos Aires, and San Luis, supported by the corvette República, began their approach at 12 knots, precisely as the 9 de Julio ceased firing. On the Buenos Aires, Commander Eladio Vázquez ordered the Chief of Artillery, Lieutenant Gonzalo Bustamante, to open fire.

The Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment at Camet became a target of naval fire. (Image: Mar del Plata's newpaper "La Capital", Family Album http://www.lacapitalmdp.com/contenidos/fotosfamilia/fotos/8054)


Submarine ARA "Santiago del Estero" (S-2) (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Destroyer "Juan de Garay" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Guided from the ground by Lieutenant Jorge A. Fraga, the Buenos Aires fired its first shot, which overshot the target. The shell flew over the cemetery and struck Juan B. Justo Avenue (in front of a fishing shop), causing significant damage to nearby buildings. Fraga instructed the gunners to lower the barrels by 500 millimeters, and the second salvo hit one of the artillery pieces threatening the Naval Base from the heights of the golf course. The spotter (Lieutenant Fraga) radioed that the shells had found their target. Encouraged by this success, he ordered the guns to be lowered further for a new volley, which devastated the positions along the bluffs of the golf course, firing intermittently every 10 seconds.

Soldiers and militia members fled in disarray, leaving behind several dead and wounded. The only ones who remained steadfast were the CGT militiamen, who once again showed they were willing to fight to the end. Meanwhile, revolution supporters on Playa Grande waved flags and cheered for the Navy and the nation, unaware of the danger they were in.

Behind the Buenos Aires came the Entre Ríos and San Luis, both sailing in line and firing upon the Peronist positions. Despite the naval bombardment, loyalist Army troops and armed union members continued to fire upon the base installations, even after the shelling ended at 09:30.

A chaotic retreat ensued, as officers and personnel from the Naval Base rushed towards the boats and launches moored at the docks, as well as three fishing vessels that Captain Panzeri had brought in for evacuation. Some sailors threw their weapons into the water to prevent them from falling into enemy hands, while most boarded the boats and set off, coming under fire from Peronist forces on the shore. A firefight broke out between those aboard the boats and those on land, lasting for several minutes.

During the engagement, several boats being towed by launches had their lines cut, leaving them adrift and vulnerable to both gunfire and the rough seas. Amid the chaos, a technical officer, following Captain Peralta’s orders, raised a white flag of surrender, and the exchange of fire began to subside. Minutes later, the Uruguayan consul in Mar del Plata, who had been summoned, sent a message to the Fleet via the Naval Base, informing them that the city had capitulated. There was jubilation on board the ships, and Captain De Marotte took the opportunity to address the crew over the loudspeakers.

The commander congratulated the crew on their success, attributing it to their dedication and enthusiasm in fulfilling their duties, and urged them to continue the fight until final victory. The Navy had suffered no casualties, except for the mutinous petty officer killed earlier, though the Army had, as a shell from the 9 de Julio had destroyed the artillery piece on the golf course mentioned earlier.

The commander of the Destroyer Squadron, Captain Luis Mallea, remained wary of the loyalist forces' surrender. He summoned the commanders of the Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment at Camet and the Aeronautics Detachment, warning them that if they did not comply, he would open fire on their installations, in line with Admiral Rojas' instructions from the previous day.

While awaiting their response, Mallea ordered a Marine platoon, under the command of Commander Carlos López, to land and secure the Submarine Base to reinforce its defenses. To support the operation, the Buenos Aires slowly entered the port, heading toward the submarine docks, while civilians loyal to the revolution waved flags and cheered from the shore despite the heavy rain.

In the northern sector, off the coast of Camet, the destroyers Entre Ríos and San Luis, along with the corvette República, prepared for action as the summoned Army commanders remained silent, and rumors circulated that the feared Tandil Artillery Regiment was advancing toward the city.

At 11:00 on that tense September 19, the Navy ships took up positions and opened fire from 6,000 meters away, launching 175 shells that destroyed the regiment's installations, including the water tank supporting the radar antenna. Several buildings were set ablaze, but fortunately, there were no casualties, as the troops had been evacuated to the nearby town of Cobo less than an hour before, leaving the facilities empty.

The attack ended at 11:30, and the ships headed toward the port, led by the San Luis, sailing under a leaden sky and over choppy waters. As they approached the port, they encountered Peronist civilians who had arrived in several trucks and launched an attack on the base.

A violent firefight erupted, which ended when, near Playa Grande, the destroyers fired their 40mm Bofors guns, supported by naval personnel onshore using repeating rifles. The civilians, heavily harassed, withdrew in different directions, dragging some of their wounded with them.

The destroyers requested reinforcements from the 9 de Julio to bolster the positions defending the base. The commander relayed the request to Admiral Rojas, who authorized it, adding that once the operation was complete and calm had been restored, the fleet should head north to rejoin the main units in the Río de la Plata [3].

With the San Luis stationed off Playa Grande and the Buenos Aires patrolling the port’s approaches, the 9 de Julio drew closer to the coast, as sporadic gunfire continued to echo. Two of the requisitioned fishing vessels approached the cruiser on the port side to receive a company of Marines, consisting of five officers and 120 men, who were immediately transported ashore to secure the base and surrounding areas.

After the Peronist militias were subdued and repelled, Mar del Plata was secured without further complications. An hour later, the four destroyers and the 9 de Julio set course north to rejoin the Sea Fleet, which was poised to engage La Plata and even Buenos Aires itself.

By that time, at the mouth of the great estuary, Admiral Rojas, General Uranga, and their staff transferred to La Argentina, anchored at the Recalada pontoon off Punta Indio. The flagship, the 17 de Octubre, had been dispatched to lead Task Force No. 7, which was tasked with attacking the Dock Sud refineries. Despite the low clouds, rain, and strong winds making operations difficult, the fleet command feared that the Air Force would launch harassment raids from Morón at any moment, so it was imperative to begin the operation as soon as possible.

In a torrential downpour, amid thunder, lightning, and rough waters stirred by the strong late-winter winds, Task Force No. 7 set course for its target, with precise orders to commence operations at 13:00 sharp.

At 11:26, Commander Carlos Sánchez Sañudo sent a message to the loyalist authorities, urging the government to warn the population via the official radio stations that the attack was imminent and that precautions should be taken to protect them. He added that any official who failed to comply with this directive would be judged as a war criminal at the end of the conflict.

As Ruiz Moreno recounts, the Naval Operations Command on land acknowledged receipt of the message, but the government radio stations remained completely silent.



Puerto Belgrano. Communications Echelon (Phots: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)


Command Central . Puerto Belgrano (Photos: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)


Radar Control. Base Naval Puerto Belgrano (Photos: Miguel Ángel Cavallo: Puerto Belgrano. Hora Cero. La Marina se subleva)


Cruiser "17 de Octubre", (then renamed "General Belgrano"), Admiral Rojas's leading ship (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


The cruiser "9 de Julio" leaves Puerto Belgrano (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Cruiser"9 de Julio", "17 de Octubre"-twin sailing towar open waters (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

"17 de Octubre" Machine Room (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Comercio del barrio portuario en Mar del Plata alcanzado por un proyectil naval (Imágen: Nair Miño, Diario "La Capital" de Mar del Plata, Álbum de Familia [http://www.lacapitalmdp.com/contenidos/fotosfamilia/fotos/8054])


Notes

  1. The vice admiral considered it a humiliation that the flag was flying on the mast of a rebel ship.
  2. Jorge E. Perren, Puesto Belgrano y la Revolución Libertadora, p. 197.
  3. That was the moment when the infantry forces disembarked.

Thursday, October 10, 2024

Malvinas: Why didn't the bombs explode? (1/8)

Why Didn't the Bombs Explode? (Part 1)

Guillermo Poggio || Poder Aéreo

Parte 1 || Parte 2 || Parte 3 || Parte 4 || Parte 5 || Parte 6 || Parte 7 || Parte 8



 



Thirty-five years ago, Argentines and Britons clashed in the frigid waters of the South Atlantic, fighting over the possession of the Malvinas Islands (known as "Falklands" to the British). It was during this conflict that the Argentine Air Force (FAA – Fuerza Aérea Argentina) entered combat for the first time against an external enemy. The baptism of fire took place on May 1, 1982. The following text recounts the story of what was the FAA's most important mission: to attack and destroy the ships of the British Task Force. Taken by surprise, the FAA carried out its missions despite lacking proper training, adequate vectors, and the right armament for the task. This is a story of overcoming challenges, rapid adaptation, and ingenuity. In the end, the results went far beyond what was initially expected.


Introduction

In early June 1944, the Allies were rushing to launch Operation Overlord, the amphibious landing in Normandy, which promised to change the course of World War II. Off the coast of Lyme Bay in the English Channel, HMS Boadicea (H65), a veteran B-class destroyer launched in 1930, was escorting a convoy of merchant ships. On June 13, the convoy fell victim to German aviation. Two torpedoes launched by Junkers Ju-88 bombers struck Boadicea. With the explosion of the ammunition magazine, the British ship quickly sank.

Boadicea was the last Royal Navy ship lost to enemy air action in that conflict. However, considering the use of free-fall devices ("dumb bombs"), the last British loss to enemy aviation was the HMS Panther, a P-class destroyer. The ship was hit by bombs dropped by German Junkers Ju. 87 “Stuka” dive bombers during the Dodecanese campaign in the Aegean Sea on October 9, 1943.


The British cruiser HMS Gloucester being attacked by German Ju-87 'Stuka' aircraft in the Mediterranean Sea on May 22, 1941. The ship would sink that same day after being hit directly by at least four 250 kg bombs. The photo was taken by one of the German aircraft at mid-altitude. If the Argentines were to use this same attack profile, the chances of success would be very small.FOTO: archivo

Since then, naval aviation warfare has undergone profound changes. Forty years later, using aircraft to drop free-fall bombs against escorts equipped with aerial surveillance systems and guided missiles was no longer considered a viable option for naval air attacks, unless the system of the targeted ship was overwhelmed. In 1982, the Argentines demonstrated that old weapons and new tactics could be combined to surprise the Royal Navy, and once again warships would be lost to free-fall bombs.

Caught by Surprise

All the military planning for the recapture of the Malvinas Islands was carried out confidentially by the high command of the Argentine Navy, with Admiral Anaya, the commander of the force, as the mastermind. By the end of 1981, the Argentine military government considered the possibility of retaking the Malvinas Islands through military action if diplomatic negotiations failed. This option was discussed with President Leopoldo Galtieri.

 
The military junta that ruled Argentina in 1982. In the center, President Galtieri. To his left is Anaya, the architect of the Malvinas recapture, and to his left is the FAA commander, Brigadier Lami Dozo. Dozo learned of the plan to retake the islands shortly before the new year. Most of his subordinates only became aware of the events on April 2, 1982, the date of the Argentine landing on the islands. Dozo passed away two months ago at the age of 88.
FOTO: archivo

It turns out that at the same time, the Strategic Air Command (CAE) of the Argentine Air Force (FAA) had completed an update to the strategic planning of the Force, which did not include military actions against the British to retake the Malvinas Islands. The commander of the Argentine Air Force, Brigadier Basilio Lami Dozo, was the last of the three commanders to learn about the existence of the military plan, being informed of it two days before the end of 1981.

The strategists of the Argentine Air Force had never considered the possibility of getting involved in a conflict with the United Kingdom over the Malvinas Islands. There were two major reasons for this, one legal and the other geopolitical.

From a legal standpoint, Resolution 1/69, issued by the Chief of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the Argentine Armed Forces, helped resolve some disputes between the three branches and better defined each of their roles. Based on this resolution, by the end of 1969, Law No. 18.416 was enacted, which established the specific responsibilities of each branch.

In this way, the Navy had specific responsibilities over Argentina's territorial waters and coastline. It was tasked with acquiring all necessary assets, including naval and maritime resources, whether onboard ships or not. Regarding naval operations, the FAA was only required to provide indirect support without the need to acquire specialized assets different from those used in air operations.

Therefore, by April 1982, the FAA lacked the necessary assets and doctrines to engage in naval air warfare. None of the FAA pilots had ever dropped a single device into the sea. Most of them did it for the first time in combat.

From a geopolitical standpoint, the FAA was configured to face a continental enemy in the Southern Cone. Its assets, tactics, and training were all oriented towards a potential border conflict, particularly with Chile, with whom Argentina almost went to war in 1978. Even the Argentine deployment airfields had been defined based on a hypothetical battle against the Andean neighbor.



Monday, October 7, 2024

Argentine Army: Sherman Firefly on Parade

Sherman Firefly on the May, the 25th 1960 Parade





Foto de la 2da Sección con Vehículos Blindados Combate Sherman M4A4 Firefly del Escuadrón de Caballería del Colegio Militar de la Nación, con cañón largo de Cal 76,2 mm, durante el desfile del 150° Aniversario de la Revolución de Mayo, por la Avenida del Libertador en la Capital Federal (actual de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires) - Año: 25 de mayo de 1960.
(Créditos a Marcos Zambrana)



Reviews
The "Sherman Firefly" was a medium tank used by the United Kingdom during World War II. It was based on the American M4 Sherman but was equipped with the powerful British 17-pounder anti-tank gun as its main armament, with a caliber of 76.2 mm. Although originally intended as a temporary solution until future British tank designs could enter service, the Sherman Firefly became the most common vehicle to use the 17-pounder gun during the war.


Specifications of the Sherman M4A4 Tanks:

  • Weight: 35.3 tons
  • Length: 5.89 meters
  • Width: 2.64 meters
  • Height: 2.74 meters
  • Crew: 4 (commander, gunner, loader/radio operator, driver)
  • Armor: 89 mm (turret mantlet)

Primary Weapon

  • 76.5 mm cannon (with 77 rounds)

Secondary Weapons

  • 1 M2HB .50 caliber machine gun (with 300 rounds)
  • 1 Browning M1919A4 coaxial .30 caliber machine gun (with 5,000 rounds)

Engine: Chrysler A57 Multibank 6-cylinder engine, or 21-liter radial engine, 425 HP.

Maximum Speed

  • 32 km/h (sustained)
  • 40 km/h (in emergencies)

Friday, October 4, 2024

Argentine: Defense Politics From Independence to the Desert Campaign

Argentine Defense: From Independence to the Desert Campaign





Encina Moreno and company. Colección del Servicio Histórico del Ejército.



Throughout Argentine history, national defense has suffered from not being treated as a state policy that transcends the ideologies and administrations of the ruling governments. This analysis, in three parts, examines the successes, failures, and outstanding issues in the evolution of Argentine defense.

 

Politics, Diplomacy, and War

In 1811, Paraguay declared its independence and outlined its territorial borders. However, these territorial claims conflicted with Brazil's, sparking a long period of tensions between the two countries, which eventually affected Argentina as well.

Over time, Paraguay also had commercial disputes with the Argentine government, leading to a tacit alliance between Argentina and Brazil, both of whom sought to protect their respective territorial and economic interests. Paraguay also faced difficulties trading in Uruguay, which led to tensions with Montevideo. By the end of 1864, Paraguay sent troops to Uruguay to support the Partido Blanco, which was fighting against the Partido Colorado, backed by Brazil.

Paraguay requested permission from Argentine President Bartolomé Mitre to move its troops through the Argentine Mesopotamia region on their way to Uruguay. This request was denied, but in April 1865, Paraguayan forces entered Argentina and occupied the city of Corrientes, forcing Argentina to join Brazil and Uruguay in war against Paraguay, a conflict later known as the War of the Triple Alliance.

This bloody conflict ended in 1870 with Paraguay’s surrender, causing severe territorial losses and demographic devastation, as nearly half of the Paraguayan population and about 90% of its men died.

The Paraguayan occupation of Corrientes could have been avoided if Argentina had better-equipped and strategically deployed armed forces.

Armed Forces and Sovereignty in Patagonia

After the independence of Argentina and Chile, both countries entered a period of rising tensions over their territorial claims in southern Patagonia. These tensions were further complicated by the rugged geography of the Andes Mountains, which made it difficult to accurately demarcate borders, and by the frequent raids carried out by the Mapuche tribes, who originated from the Chilean side of the Andes and often attacked Argentine settlements.

The Mapuches had gained territory in Patagonia and the southern Pampa region, displacing or exterminating local tribes, which increased Chilean influence in the area. Historians suggest that the loot from Mapuche raids—mostly stolen livestock—was sold in Chile with the tacit approval of local authorities.

Argentina, still embroiled in internal conflicts for nearly half a century since its independence, had not made significant advances in securing sovereignty over Patagonia. By the early 1870s, tensions between Argentina and Chile escalated, with both nations reaffirming their territorial claims. In 1872, Chilean authorities interfered with Argentine commercial activities in Santa Cruz, prompting the Argentine government to establish a military garrison in the region and explore the territory.


Sea Fleet Supporting the Desert Campaign. Foto: Archivo DEF.

Tensions further escalated when, in 1876, Chile sent the corvette Magallanes to the port of Santa Cruz to seize a French ship that had been authorized by Argentina to extract guano. In response, the Argentine government dispatched a fleet under the command of Commodore Luis Py to Patagonia in 1878, with the mission of asserting Argentina’s sovereign rights over the region.

Given these tensions, President Nicolás Avellaneda informed Congress that, in legitimate defense, he had ordered Argentine warships to be stationed at the mouth of the Santa Cruz River and to fortify the area with artillery and troops. However, had there been a conflict, Argentina’s military forces would likely have been unable to defeat the Chilean fleet, which was simultaneously engaged in conflicts with Bolivia and Peru in the north.

The Desert Campaign and Affirmation of Sovereignty

In this context, with the nation’s territorial integrity at risk, General Julio Argentino Roca, then Minister of War and Navy, proposed to President Avellaneda the launch of a military campaign known as the Conquest of the Desert. The strategic objective was for the Argentine Army to advance southward to occupy Patagonia and reaffirm Argentine sovereignty over a region that, until then, had been under Mapuche control.

The Argentine government supported these military operations by establishing naval sub-delegations in Carmen de Patagones, Puerto Deseado, Río Gallegos, Isla de los Estados, and Ushuaia, which led to the settlement of the first Argentine communities in these regions, thus helping to consolidate national sovereignty in the south.

At the same time, the Argentine Army began to receive modern weapons (rifles, cannons, etc.) and the Navy acquired new warships (battleships and cruisers), positioning Argentina’s fleet as one of the most powerful in the world. These advancements allowed Argentina to reach a diplomatic resolution with Chile, culminating in the signing of the 1881 Boundary Treaty, which secured Argentine sovereignty over Patagonia.

In 1884, the Argentine Navy, under the command of Commodore Augusto Lasserre, deployed a fleet of six warships to Tierra del Fuego and Isla de los Estados. During this mission, Lasserre encountered a British mission in Ushuaia. After a brief conversation, on October 12, 1884, the British flag was lowered and the Argentine flag was raised, reaffirming Argentina's sovereignty over the southernmost part of its continental territory, a date now considered the official founding of Ushuaia.


The Desert Campaign. Colección Servicio Histórico del Ejército.

Conclusion

Argentina's ability to defend its sovereignty in the south was heavily dependent on strengthening its armed forces. The development of a modern navy and a diplomacy backed by military strength were crucial in securing Argentine control over Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego. The Desert Campaign, though controversial, was fundamental in consolidating Argentine control over vast southern territories, preventing territorial conflicts with Chile, and laying the groundwork for national defense in the late 19th century.

Tuesday, October 1, 2024

Beagle Crisis: Naval Fennecs Doing Airbase Attack over Chabunco

Naval Aviation School in Operation Tronador


On the last week of August, 2024, news broke of a scramble (a priority emergency takeoff of an interceptor fighter to respond to an immediate threat) involving two FACh F-5E Tiger III aircraft to identify an "unknown threat" at the mouth of the Strait of Magellan. The jets found nothing, but they had taken off from Chabunco Air Base (Presidente Carlos Ibáñez International Airport) in Punta Arenas. In 1978, during the Beagle crisis, this airport would have been a target in an operation aimed at neutralizing the main Chilean aircraft operating in the area: the Hawker Hunters. This daring mission was assigned to a fleet of T-28 Fennec aircraft, rugged, radial-engine, two-seat trainers and light attack planes from the Argentine Navy's Aviation Command. Hidden at a dispersal airstrip 50 km from Río Grande, these aircraft were tasked with supporting the helicopter-borne landing on the disputed islands and sinking small vessels. Their most daring mission: attacking the Hunters as they were preparing to land. Let's delve into this fascinating story.

The Naval Aviation School Goes to War

At the end of 1977, the Naval Aviation School had a small number of only nine T-28 aircraft in service, out of a total of 20 assigned. During that period, the last navigation of these aircraft between Punta Indio and Ushuaia was planned, called "Operation Austral," which involved the transfer of the nine operational aircraft at that time.


T-28P 0628/3-A-208. B.A Ushuaia, August 11. Pilot Midshipman Goñi, and Second Warrant Officer Ruiz.


1.2km dispersal runway at Estancia La Sara where the T-28 Fennec operated

Initially conceived as the farewell of these aircraft, the mission unintentionally became the prelude to Operation Tronador for the School. Given the growing tension in the Austral Zone, the Naval Aviation Command (COAN) was instructed to increase the level of readiness due to the possible occurrence of an armed conflict. As part of these measures, the deactivation of the T-28s was suspended.


T-28F 0581/1-A-250 during a stopover at Tandil Air Base on the way to Rio Grande Air Station.

In early 1978, a four-plane division from the Naval Aviation School was deployed to the Río Grande Naval Air Base, where it remained for the entire year, with the planes being replaced periodically.

As tensions increased in November, the Naval Aviation School Squadron reached a total of 19 T-28s in operational condition, with the number of available pilots also increasing. Lieutenant Hugo Ortiz was put in charge of the group, which consisted of several officers.


B-80 used as support of the Fennec deployment


In the framework of Operation Tronador, the T-28 Squadron was assigned close air support missions, attacks on smaller vessels in Bahía Inútil, and the risky task of attacking Chilean Air Force Hunter aircraft during their landing phase in Punta Arenas. Shooting practice, rocket attacks, and 30º bombings were carried out, usually in cooperation with troops from the 5th Marine Infantry Battalion (BIM-5). A forward operating base was established on the runway of the "La Sara" ranch, where a division of T-28s was kept on permanent readiness, while the rest were concentrated in Río Grande.



Photo taken by Frigate Lieutenant Urberti to Midshipman Goñi on board T-28P 0588/3-A-203. The small painted feature on the camouflaged T-28s can be seen. Estancia La Sara, Dec. 1978.

During this period, reconnaissance flights were carried out, including over Chilean airspace. On one of these flights, on August 13, 1978, a section of T-28s discovered a field airfield with troops and a C-47 of the Chilean Air Force, just 15 miles northwest of the "La Sara" ranch.



Dispersal airstrips of the FACH and the COAN in the northern area of ​​Tierra del Fuego

Finally, shortly before December 22, the readiness was completed and the squadron awaited attack orders, which never came. The T-28 squadron was one of the last to withdraw, doing so on January 27, 1979, flying from La Sara to Punta Indio. Despite the precarious operating conditions and the wear and tear of the aircraft, no major inconveniences were recorded. In June 1979, the last T-28Fs were decommissioned and scrapped.


Wrecks of the T-28F of the ESAN (Naval Aviation School)

The region covered by history can be seen on this map below. From the improvised runway at Estancia La Sara, a direct route of 185 km was to be flown to carry out an attack on the Chabunco air base and a 100 km route to patrol and harass ships in Bahía Inútil. The runway is located about 50 km NNW of Río Grande, where another section of ESAN T-28 Fennecs operated. Finally, from the runway to Ushuaia there are only 155 km.



Conclusions

In the vast expanse of southern Argentina, amidst the frigid and desolate region of Tierra del Fuego, the brave pilots and instructors of the Naval Aviation School prepared for the unimaginable. Aboard their sturdy and rugged T-28 Fennecs—aircraft considered obsolete by many—these men not only faced the challenge of operating under the most extreme conditions, but did so with a boldness that continues to inspire admiration to this day.

As the tension of the Beagle crisis reached its peak, these pilots were entrusted with a mission that seemed straight out of an epic tale: to strike the formidable Chilean Hawker Hunters just as they were landing in Punta Arenas. Imagine the courage required to confront a more modern and better-armed enemy, knowing the odds were against them. Yet, from a camouflaged dispersal airstrip at Estancia La Sara, these men stood ready, the roar of their radial engines their only companion in the tense wait for orders that ultimately never came.

The spirit of these Argentine pilots, capable of defying the impossible with ingenuity and determination, is a legacy of courage and dedication that transcends time. Following in the same footsteps as Owen Crippa in the Malvinas four years later, these pilots were prepared to attack a well-defended target and the enemy's most valuable assets with training aircraft. It wasn’t just about the machines, but about the men who, in their T-28 Fennecs, showed the world that the true strength of a nation lies in the bravery of its defenders. Today, their example is a beacon of pride for all Argentines, a reminder that when the nation calls, its people respond with unwavering valor.


Sources: North American T-28 Fennec, Aeronaval Series No. 28.