1955 Revolution: Gloster Meteors Attack the River Squadron

The Battle of the Río de la Plata


It was 08:00 in the morning and dawn was beginning when the destroyers of the River Squadron, ARA “Cervantes” (D-1) under the command of Captain Pedro J. Gnavi and ARA “La Rioja” (D-4), under under the command of Captain Rafael Palomeque, they cast off and left the roadsteads of the large naval base to enter Río de la Plata.
While this was happening, several boats crossed the canal from the shipyards to the School, transporting Marine Corps troops to take up combat positions in that sector. It was very cold and the increasing humidity soaked the decks of the boats, making movement difficult for the personnel.



As the destroyers moved away, separated by 1,000 meters from each other, with the “La Rioja” in front and the “Cervantes” behind, their crews, in loud voices, received the order to put on their helmets and life jackets and adopt combat gear. Tranquility reigned on board, partly due to the good preparation of the cadres and partly because no one expected problems because the assigned mission seemed simple: navigation in the Plata had to be blocked and prevent the arrival of ships to the Buenos Aires ports, something that At first glance, it did not represent major risks.
The destroyers sailed slowly, to give power to their engines once in open waters, because their boilers were quite old. They did it under strict radio silence and in good weather despite the fact that in the distance the advance of a storm front could be perceived.
There was a lot of wind and the cold penetrated the bones when the sun slowly emerged over the horizon, causing a feeling of pleasure in the crews, but not in their commanders since, if these conditions persisted, the enemy aircraft could easily act.
The ships reached the Punta Indio buoy and from there they turned towards the Uruguayan coast, in front of which they sailed slowly in a westerly direction.
Of the two commanders, the most concerned was Palomeque, who, out of his professional zeal, had recommended maximum attention in anticipation of a possible air attack. Clad in his greatcoat, with his hands in his pockets and his cap pulled down over his ears, the veteran sailor watched his movements with his high-magnification glasses (he was nearsighted), without saying anything.
The initial joy and excitement of the younger sailors gradually disappeared in the face of the permanent warning indications that, on both boats, gave rise to feelings of seriousness and concern.
To starboard, on the signal bridge of the “La Rioja”, were the cadets Juan Angel Maañón and Jorge Augusto Fiorentino, both attentive to everything that was happening. The gunners, for their part, were at their stations, ready to fire their four 120 mm cannons, two forward and two aft, plus two 40 mm Bofors machine gun mounts, one between the funnels and one in the stern. , weapons not suitable to face an air attack.

On the loyal side, the Air Force was already on alert when the first light of September 16 appeared on the horizon. The high command had called its members to an urgent meeting and shortly after, from the headquarters at Lavalle 2540, its head, Brigadier Juan Ignacio San Martín, left for the Ministry of War to make himself available to Perón and explain the situation.
While San Martín was heading to the Ministry, his second, Brigadier Juan Fabri, was moving to the Aeroparque to board a DC-3 of the Command in Chief, determined to fly immediately to the Morón Air Base.
Early that morning, Captain Hugo Crexell, of the Naval Aviation, appeared at the Ministry of the Army, expressly summoned by the high authorities of the Government, to speak personally with Perón. The brave pilot was led through the hallways of the building to the office where the president was meeting with members of his cabinet. He had just completed an important training program in the extreme south of the country, which included exercises attacking ships from aircraft that had made a very good impression on the High Command. And although he did not yet know it, in those crucial moments, an important task awaited him, that is, a real war mission.
As he walked through the corridors, guided by an Army officer, Crexell was unaware that he was going to be entrusted with a war mission and that he was about to lead the first air-naval battle in Argentine history.
Together with his guide, they stopped in front of one of the doors of the unit and immediately afterwards, he entered a large room where he was received by the Minister of the Navy in person, Admiral Luis J. Cornes, who led him to the office where he was. Perón in the company of several officials.

-This, my general, is the pilot who remained loyal on June 16 and who commanded the naval exercises with great skill in the south – Cornes told the president after standing at attention and bowing – He is the one in charge of the Naval Aviation Command.

Nervous and even disturbed at finding himself before one of the most powerful personalities in American history, Crexell stood at attention and stood firm.
Perón looked worried when he shook his hand and told him that he must “cleanse” the Río de la Plata of rebel elements. He gave him some explanations and immediately ordered San Martín to personally drive him to Morón, with the express directive to “do what he thought appropriate”; In a word, all of his (Crexell's) directives had to be followed without questioning of any kind.

-You go with him and put him in command – he ordered San Martín and, addressing Crexell again, he added – Get those traitors pay through the nose! Take the measures you deem necessary!

Crexell gave the military salute and, together with San Martín, hurriedly left the Ministry in the direction of the Aeroparque, where a helicopter was waiting for him with its engines running, ready to take off.
The aircraft rose and began its journey towards Morón, crossing the Federal Capital to the west. Once at the base, the naval pilot jumped ashore thinking that San Martín would follow him, but his surprise was great when he saw that the high officer remained in his seat, without moving.
Crexell retraced his steps to ask him what was happening and was absorbed when he heard from the aeronautical chief himself that since he was not well regarded in the place, he was immediately returning to Buenos Aires.
Still absorbed, Crexell took a few steps back and stood on the tarmac watching the helicopter take flight and move away, still not understanding what the situation was.
Once in front of Brigadier Fabri, the newcomer made known the orders that Perón had given him and immediately arranged a reconnaissance flight to familiarize himself with the area of operations and take the first measures. Subordinated to his orders, Fabri ordered a de Havilland to be enlisted that, under the command of an ensign, would carry Crexell himself as navigator.
The plane departed without problems and after half an hour it detected the rebel units sailing in waters near Colonia. The naval aviator ordered the return and once on the ground, he headed to the operations center to notify the news to Fabri and his second, Captain Daniel de Marrote, his former colleague from the Navy who has now moved to the Air Force. Immediately afterwards, he ordered the first attack.
In a climate of great excitement, a squadron of four Gloster Meteors was enlisted under the command of Vice Commodore Carlos A. Síster, the same one who had strafed the Red Base of Ezeiza on June 16, who was tasked with harassing and putting them out of combat. to the units of the Ríos Squadron.
Crexell personally gave the instructions in the pre-flight room and once finished, the pilots stood up and headed to their planes to carry out the corresponding checks, climb into their cockpits and wait for the mechanics to finish refueling.

Vice Commodore Carlos A. Sister, Chief of the Gloster Meteor section that attacked the River Squadron (Photography: Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, La Revolución del 55, Tomo II)

 

When everything was ready, Sister informed the tower that they were taking off and after receiving authorization, he began to taxi along the pavement towards the main runway, followed by his escorts. Once at the head, it stopped and less than a minute later, it gave maximum power to its turbines and began taxiing at high speed, landing first, followed by its three numerals with a difference of fifteen seconds between each other.

While the aircraft took flight and headed southeast, several kilometers away, in the direction of the Eastern Band, the rebel destroyers continued the blockade with their crews in a permanent state of alert.
The clocks on board showed 09:18 when the Peronist squadron was detected.

- Four planes ahead!!! – shouted one of the lookouts at “La Rioja”.

It was the warning announcement; The dreaded moment had arrived.
Captain Carlos F. Peralta, second in command, observed with his binoculars from the bridge, trying to locate the devices. Since he couldn't do it, he asked cadet Maañón to do it and he responded:

-They advance from the distilleries of Dock Sud, my captain!

Peralta focused his googles in that direction and could see four small dots approaching at high speed.

-"Load cannons!" he ordered, a directive that was passed out loud by the battery commanders.
-Artillery ready, sir!! – was the response.

At that time, the commander ordered Lieutenant Ríos to raise the war flag, an indication that he relayed out loud.

-No one shoots until I give the order!!! – Captain Palomeque shouted as the Peronist aviation advanced in a “V” formation, just as Adolf Galland, the World War II ace hired by Perón, had taught them in the training courses.
On board the “La Rioja” the crew saw the aircraft make a wide turn in the direction of Montevideo and stand in a line, one after the other, with Vice Commodore Síster at the head.
Seeing that, Lieutenant Ríos had no more doubts.

-They are going to attack us, sir!!!

Palomeque remained unscathed on the bridge, watching with his hands in his coat pockets at the planes that were approaching him; Peralta, for his part, hurried to take position at his combat position, giving loud directives while the personnel ran around the deck.
With the sun in front of them, the starboard guns aimed at the aircraft and waited while constant alerts announced the start of hostilities.
The first two fighters dropped from the clouds, firing their cannons furiously. Captain Palomeque ordered to open fire and piece No. 1 began to thunder, activated by midshipman Julio César Ayala Torales, who was assisted by cadets Edgardo Guillochón and Washington Bárcena.

-Long live the country, damn it!! – the officers shouted amid the deafening roar.

Síster's plane passed first, strafing the deck; Immediately after, the second one did so, flying 1500 meters behind. Their projectiles hit the structure of the ship, destroying the signal light, several thermometers and some objects in the navigation room, without causing casualties.
The crew experienced shock and admiration when they saw their commander standing on a ledge of the bridge, receiving the attack without seeking protection. No bullet hit him.
Palomeque ordered Lieutenant Federico Ríos to inform Admiral Rojas that he had begun the fight and that the fire was being returned, and when the attacking machines were moving away to the west, he ordered a “ceasefire.”

-Breakdowns or injuries?! – the non-commissioned officers asked in the midst of excitement.
-No news! – was the response.

Seconds later the alarms sounded again, announcing the second attack.
These were the other two aircraft that arrived at low altitude, activating their cannons. The anti-aircraft guns returned fire, filling the deck with the smell of gunpowder and deafening their servants with the explosions. In their need to ease tensions, officers and sailors shouted cheers to the country and harsh epithets against a regime that, at that point, they identified as their enemy.
The planes passed over the destroyer firing relentlessly and took altitude following Sister and her companion. The one flying last was the one that caused the most damage as it hit various points of the structure, seriously injuring cadet Maañón. A 20 mm projectile had blown off his lower jaw, causing a horrific wound that left him without a mouth and several of his teeth.
Bleeding profusely, the sailor held his chin trying to keep his tongue, which hung monstrously, in place, without noticing the remains of teeth, blood and pieces of flesh that covered his coat. A feeling of horror shook his companions when they saw his disfigured face.

-My son!!! – Palomeque shouted, taking the sailor by the arms and almost immediately, he ordered his immediate transfer to the infirmary.

The “La Rioja” had serious damage to its structure, the most serious being six 20 mm holes under the waterline through which water penetrated uncontrollably.
Vice Commodore Síster's squadron returned to Morón, landing at 10:00 a.m., without problems. His boss expressed euphoria when he got off his plane and told his superiors the details of the attack, immediately requesting a new incursion. It was then decided to send a second formation under the command of Vice Commodore Orlando Pérez Laborda to repeat the attack.
The new formation took off fifteen minutes later and once in the air, headed directly toward the objective, at a time when a storm front was approaching from the northeast.
The boats were in the middle of the estuary when the Air Force attacked again.
Cadet José L. Cortés, from “La Rioja”, was wounded in the face. On the “Cervantes”, cadet Juan Pieretti was shot in the hip and Lieutenant Commander Rodolfo de Elizalde was slightly burned by a tracer that grazed his right leg. The sailors were on the bridge when the attack occurred and their quick reaction, by throwing themselves to the ground, saved them from certain death. However, in this new incursion, one of the Gloster seemed to be hit because as it moved away towards the west it began to lose speed while making a sharp turn before reaching the vertical of the “La Rioja”. Despite this, when she almost touched the water she stabilized and walked away in the direction of Morón.



The "Cervantes" tries to cover itself and do the same with the "La Rioja" giving off a column of smoke (Image: Thanks to Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


While the second raid was carried out, Captain Crexell explained to Vice Commodore Síster and Officer Islas how the following attacks should be carried out, modifying the angle of fire with runs from stern to bow and not from the side as they had done. done in the previous raid. This would facilitate the action of the pilots and put them under cover behind the dense columns of smoke emitted by the destroyers' chimneys.
The pilots followed the explanations carefully while Crexell plotted them on the blackboard in the command room, and when his superior finished speaking, they ran back to the Glosters to carry out a new attack.


Destroyer ARA "Cervantes" sailing in the waters of Plata (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

Following these indications, the third attack under the command of Síster was devastating.
The clocks pointed to 11:00 when the “La Rioja” was once again ferociously machine-gunned.
The squadron flew over her deck four times, peppering her with her cannons, valiantly defying the anti-aircraft guns and machine guns on board, which were trying to repel her. There was little they could do because the speed of the fighters was their best defense.
In one of the passes, the planes caused the “Cervantes” numerous casualties, some of them fatal.
A bullet went through the head of Carlos Cejas, a 4th year cadet who was serving a Bofors piece aft. The boy fell senseless on the deck, dying minutes later. Nearby, assistant Raúl Machado received a deep wound in his right arm that forced his immediate evacuation to the infirmary, where Dr. Luis Emilio Bachini, the onboard dental doctor, was trying to do the best he could. Machado died on the stretcher, when the doctor was preparing to amputate his arm. The shrapnel also hit Lieutenant Alejandro Sahortes when he was trying to get Senior Corporal Juan Carlos Berezoski into the engine room, who was having a nervous breakdown. Berezoski died instantly and Sahores fell under the lifeboats with his stomach punctured and his femoral artery shattered.
It was, without a doubt, a tremendous raid that left 21 casualties, five of them fatal.
Dr. Bachini's work was commendable. With the assistance of Captain Rodolfo de Elizalde, he set up an improvised blood hospital in the staff room and assisted by the aforementioned officer and a cadet, he did everything within his power to alleviate the suffering of the wounded.
The situation in “La Rioja” was worse. The Peronist fighters devastated its deck and pierced its structure in several sectors, completely destroying cannon No. 1. The 2nd year cadet Edgardo Guillochón was hit by the projectiles and fell dead on the piece he was serving. His partner, Washington Barcena, received a splinter in her left leg, causing her to lose her balance and fall heavily to the ground.


Anti-aircraft guns open fire

In the infirmary, the main corporal Araujo, who had knowledge of first aid, took care of the wounded, carefully caring for Maañón and Cortés. It was a small place under the bridge, with two stretchers on top of each other and a small wardrobe. Under these conditions, the dedicated non-commissioned officer also performed exceptional work, despite the limited instruments he had at his disposal.
While he held Maañón's tongue to prevent him from swallowing it, he removed the dental remains and splinters from his jaw with gauze, as well as a piece of metal embedded very close to his left eye. Once that task was completed, he gave him one of the few painkillers in the medicine cabinet and asked him to remain still.
Cadet José Luis Cortés was on the upper stretcher with a serious head wound. The brave Araujo was bandaging it when the projectiles from the third attack pierced the metal structure of the cabin, crossing it from side to side.
A cannonball embedded itself under Maañón's right shoulder blade, causing a new injury. Another wounded sailor, who was standing near the entrance, was hit in the legs as the door he was leaning against was thrown from its frame. Araujo injected a dose of morphine into Maañón and applied tourniquets to the other sailor, both sore from the new injuries.
Due to the harsh punishment endured by his boat, Captain Palomeque contacted the “Cervantes” to tell him that the most convenient thing was to move away from the area in the direction of the mouth of the river, out of the range of the Peronist planes.
After listening to the proposal, Commander Gnavi agreed and agreed, since that way, they could continue fulfilling the blockade mission without risking the personnel on board.
Palomeque called Admiral Rojas to inform him that the ships had been subjected to violent attacks and that they had dead and wounded on board. And when he asked for authorization to withdraw, it was granted immediately.
The old destroyers turned east and headed towards the ocean while on board the ranch was distributed to the crew. At that time, when no one suspected it, a fourth attack occurred.
The ships were sailing towards the mouth of the Río de la Plata when four Gloster Meteors appeared through the clouds and pounced on them.
The decks were machine-gunned again while the troops tried to take cover. And once again, Cadet Maañón was hit, this time in his right foot, when a projectile pierced his boot and broke several bones in his instep and heel. The brave Corporal Araujo rushed at him once again, applying a new tourniquet and a new injection of morphine that left him completely unconscious.
After this new incursion, the destroyers gave greater power to their engines and left the area at high speed while the Air Force aircraft withdrew towards Morón. The old boats were battered but they emerged unscathed from the attack. They had fired more than 1,000 projectiles and received 250 hits and lost some of their artillery pieces, two the “Cervantes” and one the “La Rioja.”
The ships were sailing heeled due to the impacts they had received below the waterline and on those waterways, repair teams provided with wooden blocks and tar worked.

The Gloster Meteor's final raid was followed by a period of tense calm in which the attacks seemed to cease.
Despite the damage, the “Cervantes” took the opportunity to stop an American freighter loaded with fruit, which a doctor requested. Unfortunately the Americans did not have any because their crew was minimal and they did not need it.
The crew of the destroyer was busy with this task when a squadron of Calquin light bombers suddenly appeared in the air and was heading directly towards the ships, coming from Morón.
The fact that the warship was at that time next to a foreign merchant ship saved it from what could have been a devastating attack. The bombs fell 50 meters, raising high columns of water without causing damage. However, they were enough reason for the freighter to turn and quickly move away towards the mouths of the river, at the same time that the warship prepared to repel the aggression. Immediately after the Claquins, an Avro Lincoln appeared at high speed, with its lower doors open.
In a desperate attempt to avoid the attack, the “Cervantes” approached the merchant ship thinking that the aviator would not dare to harm it, but the Avro Lincoln launched its bomb, causing a tremendous explosion that shook the structures of both ships.
The destroyers attempted to avoid the charges by continually veering from right to left while opening fire and shaking the air with their guns.
The plane moved away, leaving the battered ships in the rain behind it, pointing its bows in the direction of Uruguay.
Of the two vessels, the “Cervantes” was the one in the worst condition. She listed, with loss of speed and a damaged turbine, she was practically out of combat because her artillery pieces were almost not operating.
In front of the Uruguayan capital, Captain Gnavi contacted his counterpart from the “La Rioja” to notify him that he urgently needed to enter port. Palomeque agreed, so the "Cervantes", placing its artillery in the center, headed towards the neighboring shore and moved away from it. At that point, attention to the wounded was more than urgent.


The seriously damaged ARA "La Rioja" heads to Montevideo followed by the "Cervantes" (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)

It was 6:30 p.m. when, within sight of Montevideo, the tugboat “Capella y Pons” approached, belonging to the Uruguayan navy and positioned itself next to the “La Rioja” to request moorings.
Its commander, Captain Diego Culachín, established contact with the destroyer and
Palomeque informed her that there was one dead and several wounded on board and that she needed to transfer immediately to return to battle.
The transfer operation did not take long to wait. The sailors placed Cadet Guillochon's body on a stretcher, covered it with the Argentine flag and transferred it with great care to the Uruguayan ship. Behind him did the same, also on stretchers, the cadets Maañón and Bárcena and the artillery non-commissioned officer Ángel Stamati, who despite his serious injuries, asked to remain on board.
When the last wounded man was in the “Capella y Pons” and the storm began to stir the waters, the voice of Cadet Ferrotto, in charge of the signals, put everyone on alert.

-Enemy planes!! – He shouted – Enemy planes!!

Following instructions, the crew ran to their stations as they had done so many times during exercises and maneuvers, while the Uruguayan tug hurriedly unhooked and moved away.
In the distance, she was silhouetted against the leaden gray of the sky, a formation of four fighters approaching rapidly towards the destroyers.

-Loosen the ties, damn it!!! – thundered the voice of an officer.
-Prepare artillery!!! – ordered another.
-Stop!! - someone suddenly shouted - They are Uruguayan planes!!

Through their binoculars, Captain Palomeque and his officers were able to distinguish the four P-51D Mustang aircraft of the Uruguayan Air Force approaching quickly on a cover mission, ready to provide protection to the Argentine ships in case they were harassed.

-They are planes preparing to attack! - Cadet Ferrotto shouted again - They are attacking us!!
-But stupid cadet!!! Don't you realize they are Uruguayans?!! – Captain Peralta shouted furiously.

The planes passed by the ships, flying at low altitude, sporting the colors of their country on their tail, a fact that calmed the combatants on board, restoring their serenity.
While the “Cervantes” was towed towards Montevideo, the “La Rioja” put pressure on its machines and moved away inland ready to continue the fight, legally evading the internment that international law establishes for belligerent forces that arrive in neutral countries.
Both the “Cervantes” and the “Capella y Pons” slowly entered the port of Montevideo and moored next to the docks, a maneuver witnessed by a crowd of Uruguayan citizens, men and women, who had gathered early to continue their journey. close to war actions1.
The disembarkation of the dead and wounded had a profound impact on the spirit of those who had come there and the descent of the cadets of the “Cervantes” was greeted with cheers and applause, reminding more than one Uruguayan of similar events that occurred sixteen years ago when The crew of the “Graf Spee” landed in that same place.



The fight has ended. "La Rioja" shows the damage she has suffered (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


The "La Rioja" bridge riddled by the 20 mm cannons of the Gloster Meteor (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


According to ten journalists in Así Cayó Perón. Chronicle of the triumphant revolutionary movement, near the Customs and in front of the entrances to the port, a real crowd had gathered, struggling to get closer to the “Cervantes” in search of news. Among the audience were family and friends of the crew members who were trying to find out if their loved ones were among the victims.
At 8:45 p.m., Uruguayan radio stations made a dramatic request for blood for the wounded sailors, interrupting their usual programs to make the request effective. Dozens of people approached the Military Hospital and the Maciel Hospital to enter two at a time.
The Argentine combatants were housed in specially equipped barracks in the port area where they were fed and assisted with care, while they were given all kinds of attention. They also received visits, most of them from important personalities from the neighboring country, one of them, Mrs. Matilde Ibáñez Tálice, wife of who was president of Uruguay until 1951, Luis Batlle Berres. The lady, born in Buenos Aires, personally took care of many of the cadets' needs.
Shortly after disembarking, Cadet Cejas died and two days later the death of Cadet Vega occurred, raising the death toll to eight. Maañón was operated on and treated by Dr. Vecchi, a prominent Uruguayan physician, who warned the soldier that he could die during the intervention. Maañón gave his consent to be operated on but first wrote a farewell letter to his father, explaining the alternatives that he had experienced (2).

At night, an honor guard was set up at the Uruguayan Navy headquarters, where those who died in combat were laid to rest. It was placed in charge of frigate lieutenant Fernando Nis who, during the second attack by the Gloster Meteor, was in the engine room with his boss, ship lieutenant Alejandro Sahores, who had been killed by enemy projectiles. 4th year cadet Luis Bayá was part of the guard.
Many more people came to the scene to send their condolences or simply browse, while dozens of journalists struggled to obtain information. And while that was happening, the radio stations continued to provide extensive coverage of the events, as did the newspapers, which the next morning announced the news with big headlines.
Both “La Rioja” and “Cervantes” had a brilliant performance. With them, the Argentine Navy starred in the first air-naval battle in its history, paying in blood for the experience. Its commanders and crews were up to the task, with Captain Rafael Palomeque standing out especially for his brilliant actions in the line of duty. They had operated beyond what was required and had performed heroically, safeguarding national honor. Admiral Rojas had every reason to be proud of his people 3.


Staff of "La Rioja". Sitting in the front row, in the center, his commander, Captain Rafael Palomeque (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


Crew of the "La Rioja" with its commander, Cap. Rafael Palomeque behind the lifeguard (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)


The "La Rioja" in the dry dock of the Tandanor Shipyard in Buenos Aires, after the battle (Image: Fundación Histarmar Historia y Arqueología Marítima)



P-51D Mustang aircraft of the Uruguayan Air Force offered cover to the Argentine ships when they entered the port of Montevideo

Notes

1. People and authorities would demonstrate a height worthy of their tradition when offering help and attention to foreign fighters.
2. Fortunately, Dr. Vecchi was an eminence and the brave cadet survived and once the war was over he returned to his country to rejoin the Navy, retiring years later, with the rank of frigate captain.
3. The details of the confrontation were extracted from “El torpedero “La Rioja” y su intervención en la batalla aeronaval del Río de la Plata”, by Juan Manuel Jiménez Baliani, appearing in the Boletín del Centro Naval Nº 773 of February 1994; The Revolution of '55, Volume II, by Isidoro Ruiz Moreno, Puerto Belgrano. Hour 0. The Navy revolts, by Miguel Ángel Cavallo and Así Caó Perón. Chronicle of the triumphant revolutionary movement, by ten Argentine journalists.
   

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón

Malvinas: Argentine Uniforms and Equipment

Argentine soldiers from the war for the Malvinas/Falklands Islands

The Malvinas War or South Atlantic War (in English, Falklands War) was an armed conflict between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom that took place in the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands. The war took place between April 2, the day of the Argentine landing on the islands, and June 14, 1982, the date of Argentina's surrender, which led to the recovery of the three archipelagos by the United Kingdom.


Sergeant, Amphibious Command, Governor's House, Falkland Islands, April 2, 1982.

The cause was the fight for sovereignty over these southern archipelagos, taken by force in 1833 and dominated since then by the United Kingdom, something never accepted by Argentina, which continues to claim them as an integral and indivisible part of its territory; In fact, it considers that they are illegally occupied by an invading power and includes them as part of its province of Tierra del Fuego, Antarctica and the South Atlantic Islands. The final cost of the war in human lives was 649 Argentine soldiers, 255 British and 3 island civilians.


Argentine Commando, belonging to the 601st Company, Malvinas Islands, May 1982.

Operation Rosario consisted of a series of actions of increasing intensity aimed at the Argentine recovery of the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands, which would be achieved in the opposite direction, beginning in the most discreet manner possible and culminating with the taking of the Malvinas Islands archipelago and its capital, Puerto Argentino/Stanley, through a direct assault. After the conquest of the islands, it was planned to militarily occupy the Chilean islands south of the Beagle Channel to solve the Beagle Conflict. That fact meant that Chile did not support Argentina in the conflict and did support the British, unlike the other countries in the region.

 
Corporal of the Argentine Air Force, Malvinas Islands, May 1982.

On April 2, 1982, around 5,000 troops under the command of General Mario Benjamín Menéndez landed in Stanley, the capital of the Falkland Islands, since renamed Puerto Argentino. The forty-nine English marines that made up the small garrison in charge of guarding the archipelago were captured and transferred to Montevideo along with Governor Rex Hunt. General Menéndez took over as governor of the Malvinas.

 
Lieutenant Alfredo Astiz, South Georgia, Malvinas, April 1982.

On April 25, British forces recaptured South Georgia. At the beginning of May, after the deployment of the bulk of its forces in the area, RAF (British Air Force) planes began to attack Argentine positions, especially the landing strip of Stanley (Puerto Argentino, former Puerto Soledad). ). Although the British failed to expel the Argentine air and naval forces, the nuclear submarine Conqueror caused the Argentine cruiser General Belgrano to sink, killing 368 men. Next, an Exocet missile launched by Argentine aviation sank a British destroyer, HMS Sheffield.

 
Brigadier General Luis Castellano, Commander of the IX Air Brigade, April 1982.

The British prepared for an amphibious landing on Greater Malvina (one of the largest islands in the archipelago), a rather difficult military operation. Special forces reconnoitered the island to determine the positions of the Argentine troops and identify the most appropriate places for landing. Meanwhile, diplomatic activity continued, and once again, the Argentine government refused to contemplate the possibility of a military withdrawal if it was not guaranteed that direct negotiations would lead to a transfer of sovereignty.

 
Soldier with FN MAG machine gun, 12th Infantry Reg., Goose Green, May 28, 1982.

On May 21, a few days after the UN efforts concluded without any progress, British troops landed in San Carlos (on Soledad Island). The landing was carried out successfully, but during the following days air attacks against British ships that were trying to land supplies ashore did not cease. Three warships and a merchant ship, the Atlantic Conveyor, were sunk, several helicopters were lost and numerous Argentine planes were shot down.

 
Argentine Infantry Soldier, Malvinas Islands, April 1982.

The main combat on land, after the landing, occurred on May 28, when a British contingent of 600 men defeated a larger Argentine garrison at Goose Green (in the South Malvina), after a tough confrontation. The British advanced towards the main Argentine garrison which was located in the capital, Port Stanley (Puerto Argentino), and on June 8 their greatest disaster occurred, when the transport ship Sir Galahad was destroyed by Argentine aircraft at Port Fitzroy.

 
Doctor, 5th Marine Battalion, Malvinas Islands, June 1982.

Little by little, using combined artillery and infantry attacks to put an end to intermittent Argentine resistance, the British took the highlands surrounding Stanley (Puerto Argentino). On June 14, the Argentine garrison, under the orders of General Menéndez, surrendered. The Military Junta that controlled power in Argentina resigned shortly after the defeat. The islands were fortified by the British, maintaining their colony character, although their inhabitants were granted full British citizenship.

 
Special Operations Group, Stanley Airport, Falkland Islands, April 1982.

Soldados del Mundo

Independence War: The Schooner "Constitución" goes as Corsair to the Pacific

The schooner "Constitución" and the preparations to go to the Pacific (1814/15)

The "Constitución" was a medium schooner, similar to the one in the image. It was American-made, but its owner was an Italian living in Chile (Andres Barrios or Andrea Bario), who leased it to the United Provinces when the campaign against Montevideo ended. On the basis of this small ship, preparations for the Pacific Expedition began. Unfortunately, the ship was wrecked in Antarctica and there were no survivors.




After the disaster of Rancagua and the fall of Chile into the hands of the royalists, many patriots from Santiago emigrated to Mendoza, capital of the Cuyo governorate in Argentina, the last emancipated territory. Among them was the priest Julián Uribe, member of the Governing Board and ally of the Carrera brothers.

José Miguel Carrera's attitude forced General José de San Martín, who already governed Cuyo and was working on the formation of the army of the Andes, to disarm his followers and send them to the city of Buenos Aires, Uribe among them. Upon his arrival, they were helped by Carlos María de Alvear, who shortly assumed the position of Supreme Director of the United Provinces. While Carrera was gaining support to be recognized as the government of Chile and obtaining resources to mount an expedition to Coquimbo and thus restart the fight, the priest Julián Uribe proposed a plan to attack the Spanish in Chile, harassing Spanish navigation and commerce along the way. throughout Valparaíso, Coquimbo, Atacama, Arequipa, El Callao and Guayaquil.

The project had been outlined by Andrés Barrios. After Brown's successful 1814 Naval Campaign on Montevideo, Barrios transported 200 soldiers with the Constitution free of charge from that plaza to Buenos Aires. Subsequently, Barrios lent the Constitution to the state on the condition that he be given only $4,000 despite the fact that its value was $6,200, of which Brown recorded: "this individual [Barrios] donated his ship and personal services for an incident so interesting to the country, for a tiny amount". Since of the $4,000, "he had only received $1,950 with the guarantee of Miguel de Irigoyen," Barrios returned the money and recovered the ship.

The schooner or ketch Constitución was of North American origin, displaced 235 tons and was 28 m long, 8.75 m wide, 5.60 m deep and 2.90 m medium draft. It belonged to the patriot Andrés Barrios (Andrea Bari), originally from Pisa, who after residing in Concepción had settled in Buenos Aires. Barrios was also the shipowner and captain of the Carmen, with which he had been trading for at least fifteen years between Chile and Buenos Aires.

After seeing the sale of the Constitution to the state frustrated, in mid-1815 Barrios offered it to be used for privateering, a proposal that was accepted on May 23. Finally, Uribe raised among his compatriots the necessary funds to join Barrios in the ownership of the ship and requested the support of the commander of the Argentine squadron, Guillermo Brown, who agreed to join with the frigate Hércules (which had been gifted to him for his services. ) and convinced the authorities to provide the brig Trinidad.

In order to adapt it for the campaign and according to its owner Commander Andrés Barrios, "its winery has been subdivided into several parts and various other works have been carried out." The recruited crew numbered a hundred men, mainly Chileans but also Irish, North Americans, Swedes, Italians and English.

After the fall of Alvear, while José Miguel Carrera left for the United States, Uribe, with the support of Brown, continued with his project. On September 20, 1815, Andrés Barrios received from the government the corresponding Patent of Marquee of the PURP No. 27, with guarantee from Miguel de Irigoyen. Initially, Barrios was listed as commander, but he was replaced at the last minute by Marine Lieutenant Colonel Oliverio Russell, Brown's right-hand man at the Battle of Montevideo.

The government provided the necessary weapons and supplies for the privateering campaign, but also to recruit and arm a patriot army in Chile. The List of the artillery, sets of weapons, ammunition and other war supplies that by Superior Order have been delivered to the Commander of the Constitución Andrés Barrios detailed, among other things, the provision of 1 bronze cannon of 16, 2 iron cannons of 8 and 4 cannons of 4, 210 jars of shrapnel, 100 bullets of 16, 200 of 8, 400 of 4, 30 crowbars of 16, 12 quintals of gunpowder, 2 quintals of match rope, 1000 cartridges of rifle, 100 flintlock stones for pistol, 50 rifle stones, etc. The quantity and weight of what was loaded was so considerable that it caused great difficulties for the ship during its journey and probably influenced its tragic end.

To give Uribe freedom of action, the instructions were broad: harass, seize or set fire to any ship flying the Spanish flag, blockade Spanish places in the Pacific, acquire information about the general situation in Chile and Peru and about the land and naval forces there. possessed by the royalists and patriots, to know the opinion of the insurgents and to encourage and support their activities and operations, to clandestinely introduce revolutionary proclamations and writings, etc.

In a few months the fleet was ready. It was made up of the frigate Hércules, commanded by Brown's brother-in-law Walter Dawes Chitty, the brig or Sumaca Trinidad under the command of Miguel Brown, and the brig Halcón, commanded by Captain Hipólito Bouchard, whose chief of arms was the future head of state of Chile, Ramón Freire. and the schooner Constitución, also known as Uribe, commanded by Oliver Russell.

We already saw the rest. The Constitution sank near the Shetland Islands when she sought to access the Pacific in the midst of a fierce storm. Uribe, Rusell, Barrios and the entire crew died.



El Corsario del Plata

Malvinas: Argentine Troops had Orders not to Kill on April, 2nd

'We had orders not to kill'

Poder Naval

What was the recovery of the Malvinas like from the perspective of an Argentine military officer?

 

Jacinto Batista is the symbol of the reconquest of the Malvinas Islands by the Argentines on April 2, 1982. Jacinto told his story to journalist Guido Braslavsky, from the newspaper Clarín, on April 1, 2002.

He was wearing a wool cap. His face was blackened with combat paint. He carried the weapon close to his body in his right hand and with the other arm he indicated to the English prisoners to remain in line with their hands raised. Jacinto Eliseo Batista is the protagonist of this photo above that traveled the world, becoming a symbol of the taking of Puerto Argentino, on April 2, 1982.

Twenty years later (the article was written in March 2002), approaching his 52nd birthday and less than two months after retiring after 35 years in the Navy, Petty Officer Batista lights his fourth cigarette on a humid morning in Punta Alta and affirms :“I am not homesick for the Falklands. It was a stage in my life and my career. I received an order and followed it. "That's what the State pays me for.".

Probably not all members of the Amphibious Command Group that surrendered to the British behave in the same way as this Columbus-born man, who says he has no interest in returning to the Falklands as a guest or tourist. However, he affirms that “if the State tells me to recover them again I will be there.” Because, like all elite soldiers, Batista is made of a special wood. Amphibious commandos are at the same time divers, paratroopers, commandos and reconnaissance specialists on land and water. They learn to endure everything. They are soldiers trained for war, the exact opposite of many young people who did not choose the Malvinas as their destination, nor do they live in a war and die in it.

Maybe that's why Batista was never afraid. Not even at the beginning when they embarked in Puerto Belgrano aboard the frigate “Santísima Trinidad”, heading in an unknown direction, even with everyone's suspicion that a real operation was being carried out in the Malvinas.

“As soon as we were on the high seas, they gave us the necessary guidance to carry out the mission. We disembarked on April 1, shortly after 9:00 p.m. I was the boat's guide and, from the shoreline, the explorer. We only had night vision equipment and I was the one wearing it, who was ahead for about 200m.”

“We were sure that the English were not expecting us. We walked all night. The targets were the Royal Marines barracks and the governor's house. We had orders not to kill, because the plan was possibly to take the islands and negotiate a withdrawal.

“We separated into two groups. I went to the barracks, but I didn't find anything because the marines were outside guarding the targets. There we raised the Argentine flag for the first time. The group that went to the governor's house, however, encountered resistance and constant shots were heard. “It was almost daylight and the resistance persisted. The first Englishman I met was a sniper with a Mauser rifle. I took it apart. When we met at the house, the situation was almost under control.

The only casualty in this action – the first death of the war – was Captain Pedro Giachino. “When I arrived I was hurt. He had entered the house and, upon leaving, he was knocked down by a soldier who was behind a nearby tree line. I asked him: “What happened to you, Pedro,” and I touched his head. He was conscious, but very pale, he had lost a lot of blood and was dying.

Batista does not remember at what point during that frenetic day the photographer Rafael Wollman took a photograph with the English prisoners. He knows, however, that this image is a relentless portrait of the old imperial lion's wounded pride. “On June 14, they had to look for me to take a photo with my arms raised,” he imagines with a smile.

But the cable was not in Puerto Argentino on the day of the fall: “On April 2 we returned to the continent.” Batista never returned to the islands, but this almost happened when an infiltration mission was planned during the British landing, but the Hercules that would carry them suffered a breakdown on the runway.

“The British were no better than us. They had more means and more support. From Americans and Chileans. But if Argentina had had the firm conviction to fight…” says Batista, leaving the phrase in the middle, like a question.

Source: Clarín

Argentine Air Force: Peruvian planes and pilots in Mendoza before Malvinas

Photos: Peruvian planes and pilots in Mendoza (1981)

Photographs shared by Gabriel Fioni in the Facebook group "A-4 Skyhawk- Argentina". 

 
A-37 of the FAP refueling from a KC-130 of the Argentine Air Force - Photo: FAP Commander Raúl Calle.

 
 
Peruvian and Argentine pilots in Mendoza 1981. All the A-4C pilots crouched fell in Malvinas: Néstor López, Jorge Casco, Daniel Manzotti and Jorge Farías- Photo: FAP Commander Raúl Calle (next to J. Casco)


A-4B of the Argentine Air Force refuels a Peruvian A-37 in flight

Viceroyalty of the River Plate: British preparations for the Invasion of 1806

Preparation of the English Invasions

 

May 3, 1803. In the British legation building in Paris, the lights burn late at night. The ambassador, Lord Charles Whitworth, makes final preparations to leave the French capital. The war between his country and France is already a practically accomplished fact. Once again the two great powers will launch into the fight, to decide, in a last and gigantic clash, which will exercise supremacy in the world.

Shortly before midnight a French government official arrives at the embassy. He brings an urgent message from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord. He asks Whitworth for an interview that should take place the following afternoon, and in which matters of extreme importance will be discussed. The British ambassador believes he discovers a ray of hope in the request. It is still possible, at the last moment, to preserve peace.

At the appointed time the meeting takes place. Talleyrand, bluntly, presents his proposal: Napoleon Bonaparte offers Great Britain an honorable exit. The center of the dispute, the island of Malta, a strategic key to the Mediterranean, will be evacuated by the British forces that occupy it. But when the British withdraw, Malta will be under the control of Russia, a country that will have to guarantee that the island does not serve the war interests of France or England. Whitworth listens attentively to the Minister, and then, without hesitation, gives his response:

-Mr Minister, my country considers Malta as a key position for its security. Our troops must, therefore, remain on the island for a period of no less than ten years...

Talleyrand, avoiding a specific response, incites the ambassador to transmit Napoleon's proposal to the London cabinet. Master in the art of persuasion, Talleyrand achieves his goal. Whitworth leaves the Minister's office determined to support the negotiation. Whether war is avoided depends on it.

May 7, 1803. The British cabinet, chaired by Henry Addington, Viscount of Sidmouth, studies Whitworth's office with the French proposal. The discussion is brief. For British Ministers there is no possibility of compromise. The offer only constitutes, in his opinion, a new ploy by Napoleon to gain time until his fleet, which is in the Antilles, reaches the European coast. Addington then issues a final order, which must be immediately transmitted to the embassy in Paris: the proposal is rejected. The French must accept, as the only way out, that the English forces remain in Malta for a period of ten years. If they refuse, Whitworth must leave Paris within thirty-six hours.

The die, for the British, is cast. On the night of May 11, Napoleon gathers his governing council at the Saint-Cloud palace. He has the British note in his hands, and makes it known to the Ministers. A dramatic silence follows his words. A vote is then taken to decide the issue. Of the seven members of the council present, only Talleyrand and Joseph Bonaparte oppose starting the fight. The war is finally underway.

On May 18, the British government officially announces the start of hostilities. On that same day the first meeting takes place. An English frigate, after a short cannonade, captures a French ship near the coast of Brittany. From that moment on, and for more than ten years, peace will no longer reign in Europe. Within the whirlwind of events generated by that conflict, the American emancipation movement will take place.

The war that begins soon engulfs Spain as well. At first the King, Carlos IV, and Manuel Godoy, his Prime Minister, try to stay out of the fight, evading the obligations of the alliance with France. To this end, and as a price for their neutrality, they offer Napoleon the signing of a treaty by which they undertake to give him a monthly subsidy of 6,000,000 francs. Napoleon, already working feverishly on organizing the invasion of England, accepts the deal. However, the British are determined to prevent Spain from sustaining a “half-war”, and will force it to define itself.

On May 7, 1804, William Pitt (son), the “pilot of the storms,” once again assumed the leadership of the English government. Eleven days later Napoleon takes the title of Emperor of the French. The two men who symbolize the will to predominance of their respective nations are thus confronted. For Pitt, the time has come for the final clash, and he is determined to maintain an all-out fight until he achieves absolute victory. Napoleon and his empire must be destroyed, so that the “European balance” that will allow Great Britain to continue its aggrandizement without hindrance is restored. Thus, upon receiving the Spanish ambassador in London, he categorically told him:

- The nature of this war does not allow us to distinguish between enemies and neutrals... the distance that separates both is so short that any unexpected event, any mistrust or suspicion, will force us to consider them equal.

This veiled threat soon translated into concrete aggression. The pretext is given by the reports sent by Admiral Alexander Cochrane, pointing out the concentration of French naval forces in Spanish ports. On September 18, 1804, the English government sent Admiral William Cornwallis, head of the fleet blocking the French port of Brest, the order to capture the Spanish ships that, coming from the Río de la Plata, took the flows to Cádiz. from America. Cornwallis immediately detaches four of his fastest frigates to set out in pursuit of the Spanish ships.

 
The British Ambassador in Paris, Lord Charles Witworth, facing Napoleon.

On October 5, 1804 the meeting took place. Advancing through the fog, the English ships intercept their prey twenty-five leagues off Cádiz. A brief and violent combat then ensues, during which one of the Spanish frigates, the "Mercedes", explodes and sinks. On board her, Mrs. María Josefa Balbastro y Dávila, wife of the second chief of the Spanish flotilla, Captain Diego de Alvear, perished. The latter, who travels on the frigate “Clara”, saves his life along with that of his son, Carlos María, the future General Alvear, warrior of Argentine independence.

The fight ends with the surrender of the three Spanish ships that escape destruction. These ships, loaded with more than 2,000,000 pounds of gold and silver bars, are taken to the port of Plymouth. This is the first blow of the English, and provokes a violent reaction in Spain. In Great Britain itself, the unexpected attack gives rise to a strict condemnation by Lord William Wyndham Grenville, who does not hesitate to declare:

-Three hundred victims murdered in complete peace! The French call us a mercantile nation, they claim that the thirst for gold is our only passion; "Do they not have the right to consider that this attack is the result of our greed for Spanish gold?"

The coup against the frigates, however, is nothing more than the beginning of a series of attacks that follow one another quickly. Off Barcelona, Admiral Nelson captures three other Spanish ships; and in the waters of the Balearic Islands, English ships attack a military convoy and capture an entire regiment of Spanish soldiers that is heading to reinforce the garrison of Mallorca. In the face of aggression, Spain cannot fail to respond with war. That is precisely what Pitt intends.

October 12, 1804. In a luxurious country mansion located on the outskirts of London, an interview is held that will have decisive consequences for the future of the Río de la Plata. Prime Minister William Pitt, Henry Melville, First Lord of the Admiralty, and Commodore Home Popham are gathered there.

The fight against Spain is now, for the British leaders, a reality, even though the rupture of hostilities has not yet been finalized. The meeting, therefore, aims to analyze possible plans of action against the Spanish possessions in America. That's why Popham is there. He, together with Francisco Miranda, has worked intensely on the development of projects aimed at operating militarily on American lands to separate the Spanish colonies from the metropolis. Pitt and Melville listen attentively to Popham's reports and agree with his intentions. One point, however, worries Pitt. He wishes to be assured that, should the planned war against Spain fail to break out, Miranda will not carry out the operation. Popham responds categorically:

-Mirando, who I know very well, will never violate his commitment. He will respect her pledged word to the end.

In this way the discussion concluded. Popham received the order from his superiors to draft the project in detail and present it to Lord Melville within four days.

Thus was born the famous “Popham Memorial”, the starting point of the British attack on Buenos Aires in June 1806. Upon receiving the news, Miranda met with Popham and, using documents and maps, proceeded with him to complete the memorial. . The main objective was Venezuela and New Granada, where Miranda intended to disembark and raise the cry for independence. Popham, in turn, introduced a secondary operation into the project, directed against the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, which he would attack using a force of 3,000 men. He also proposed that troops brought from India and Australia act in the Pacific against Valparaíso, Lima and Panama. Miranda would command the forces operating in Venezuela, and Popham would take charge of the expedition against Buenos Aires.

The purposes of the plan were clearly defined: the idea of conquering South America was completely ruled out, since the objective was to promote its emancipation. It was contemplated, however, "the possibility of gaining all its prominent points, establishing some military possessions." The American market, in turn, would be opened to British trade.

On October 16, punctually, Popham and Miranda presented the memorial to Viscount Melville. He found it satisfactory, but refrained from expressing a definitive opinion about the realization of the project, since England was facing a very serious threat at that time, which forced it to concentrate all its forces. On the other side of the English Channel, in the military camp of Boulogne, Napoleon had enlisted an army of almost 200,000 soldiers. The emperor was determined to carry out what seemed impossible: the invasion of the British Isles. “Since it can be done... it must be done!” he had stated, in categorical order, to his Minister of the Navy. Under the spell of this directive, in all the ports on the French coast the shipyards worked feverishly building thousands of vessels destined to ensure the passage of the army through the channel. In one of his dispatches, Napoleon clearly defined his unshakable resolve: “Let us be masters of the canal for six hours, and we will be masters of the world!”

The danger of a French landing was, therefore, imminent.

Within the climate of extreme alarm created by this situation, it was inevitable that Popham and Miranda's plans would be put aside. Another no less important fact came together to contribute to the definitive postponement of the planned expeditions. Russia began negotiations with the British government to form a new coalition of European powers against Napoleon. However, as a condition of that alliance, Tsar Alexander I demanded that an attempt be made to also attract Spain to the coalition. Pitt was thus forced to suspend all action against the American colonies.

That attitude was maintained even after Spain had formally declared war on Great Britain on December 12, 1804. The insistent complaints that Miranda sent to Pitt were of no use. He remained imperturbable, and informed the Venezuelan general that the political situation in Europe had not yet reached the degree of maturity necessary to begin the enterprise.

It is the month of July 1805. Miranda, completely disillusioned by the failure of his efforts, decides to leave Great Britain and go to the United States, where he trusts that he will receive help to carry out the emancipation crusade. Popham, in turn, has lost all hope. He is serving in the port of Plymouth, far from London and his contacts with the senior leaders of English politics. For that adventurous man, inaction, however, cannot be prolonged.

Secret reports thus come to their knowledge about the weakness of the forces defending the Dutch colony of the Cape of Good Hope, at the southern tip of the African continent. This news is enough for the sailor to conceive a new and daring undertaking. He without delay heads to London, and there he meets with one of the members of the cabinet. For Popham it is necessary, and he states this, to take advantage of the extraordinary opportunity that is presented and, through a surprise attack, take over the aforementioned colony.

Finding out, Pitt decides to immediately launch the operation. This time, unlike what happened with the American projects, the prime minister does not show any hesitation. Without a doubt, the Cape of Good Hope constitutes a vital point for Great Britain, as it dominates the maritime communication route with its possessions in India. For the English it is essential that this strategic position does not fall into the hands of the French who you know, they have deployed naval forces in the South Atlantic.


Portrait of William Pitt

On July 25, 1805, the pertinent instructions were sent, under the label of "very secret", to General David Baird, who had been appointed head of the attack forces. Six infantry regiments and one cavalry regiment, with a total of almost 6,000 soldiers, are assigned to the expedition. Popham receives command of the escort flotilla, made up of five warships.

Four days later, Popham has a final interview with Pitt. The sailor has, meanwhile, received new and confidential reports. A powerful merchant from London, Thomas Wilson, informed him that he had positive news that Montevideo and Buenos Aires were practically unguarded, and that a force of a thousand soldiers would be enough to achieve the conquest of both places.

In the conversation he has with Pitt, Popham informs him of the data indicated. The prime minister, however, tells the commodore that, in view of the position adopted by Russia, which demands that Spain be drawn into the ranks of the coalition against Napoleon, he cannot authorize any hostile action against the American colonies. He concludes, however, with a statement that will have a decisive influence on Popham's subsequent behavior. These were Pitt's words:

-Despite this, Popham, and in case the negotiations we are carrying out with Spain fail, I am determined to re-adopt your project.

Thus, the Commodore left to join his ships, convinced that it would not be long before Pitt sent him the order to attack Buenos Aires. When embarking in Portsmouth on his flagship, the “Diadem”, Popham carries in his luggage a copy of the memorial that, in October 1804, he wrote together with Francisco Miranda. The plan, after all, will have to be carried out as soon as the favorable opportunity arises.

November 11, 1805. The population of the Brazilian port of Bahia gathers at the docks and witnesses the unexpected arrival of the British expeditionary force. Popham goes ashore and obtains there, in addition to the water and food he needs for his squad, new reports that confirm those he has already received in London. The Río de la Plata lacks sufficient military forces to resist an assault carried out with determination and audacity. An Englishman who has just arrived in Bahia from Montevideo does not hesitate to declare to Popham: "If the attack is carried out, the same inhabitants of the city will force the Spanish garrison to capitulate without firing a single shot..."

When Popham leaves the Brazilian coast and heads towards the Cape of Good Hope, he has practically already decided to try the enterprise. The only thing left now is for the situation in Europe to take the necessary turn for the London authorities to abandon their refusal to carry out the attack.

The news of the English fleet's landfall in Bahia soon spread. Alarm is spreading in Buenos Aires, and Viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte mobilizes all forces to face the invasion, which he considers imminent. In the United States, in turn, the newspapers, based on rumors and erroneous reports, anticipate events and, four months before the British troops disembark in the Río de la Plata, publish the news that Buenos Aires it has already been conquered by Popham and Baird.

The aggression, however, was not yet to occur. Deviating from the American coasts, the English headed to the Cape of Good Hope, where they arrived in the first days of January 1806. The conquest of the colony was easily achieved, after defeating the Dutch forces in a short combat. The mission was thus accomplished. Popham, impatient, then waits for reports from Europe, ready to launch himself into the Río de la Plata as soon as circumstances allow it.

In the month of February, reports of the extraordinary victory obtained by Admiral Nelson at Trafalgar reach the commodore. The fleets of France and Spain have been eliminated as combative forces, in a day of fighting that definitively ensures the supremacy of Great Britain on all the seas. But this triumph was counteracted, shortly afterwards, by the crushing defeat that Napoleon inflicted on the Austrian and Russian armies in Austerlitz. The news of this last battle was obtained by Popham on March 4, 1806, through the crew of a French frigate that the English captured off the Cape of Good Hope.

A concrete fact arises, however, from these two events. Spain has been definitively linked to her alliance with Napoleon, and there is no longer any possibility of attracting her to the ranks of the coalition that, practically, has ceased to exist. Popham, therefore, is at liberty to carry out his plans.


Henry Melville, First Lord of the Admiralty. 

The commodore then decides to act. Thomas Waine, captain of the “Elizabeth”, a North American slave ship that has made several trips to Buenos Aires and Montevideo, confirms the news about the weakness of the forces defending both places. Therefore, there is no need to waste any more time. On April 9, Popham sends a letter to the admiralty in which he communicates that he has decided not to remain inactive in Cabo, since all danger has already disappeared there, and that he leaves with his ships to operate on the coasts of the Río de la Plata.

The next day Popham sets sail, but shortly afterwards he must interrupt sailing when the wind dies down. He then takes advantage of the circumstance to resolutely demand that General Baird support his plans, providing him with a contingent of troops. The reports from the American captain and those he obtains from an English sailor who has lived eight years in Buenos Aires serve as a powerful argument in the discussion he has with his colleague. Finally, Baird, convinced that nothing will stop Popham in his adventure, decides to give him the support he requests.

The attack on Buenos Aires is thus resolved. On April 14, 1806, Popham's ships set sail from Cape Town, escorting five transports carrying more than 1,000 soldiers, commanded by General William Carr Beresford. A veteran of many campaigns, Beresford is, because of his resolve and courage, the right man to attempt the plan. As the main assault force, the British leader has the troops of the brave 71st Scottish Regiment.

For six days the fleet sails without problems, heading west. On April 20, however, a violent gale breaks out and the ships disperse, losing contact with one of the troop transports. Popham, to cover the loss, heads to the island of Saint Helena, where he requests and obtains a reinforcement of almost 300 men from the British governor. Before leaving the island, the sailor sends a last letter to the admiralty to justify, once again, his behavior. To that note he attaches the famous memorial that, in 1804, he presented to Pitt. This is proof that the expedition does not respond to an improvised decision, but is the result of a plan already studied by the British government. The conquest of Buenos Aires, Popham points out, will give the English possession of the "most important commercial center in all of South America."

Then the long journey begins. A frigate, the “Leda”, overtakes the bulk of the fleet and sails quickly towards the American coasts, with the mission of reconnoitring the terrain. The appearance of that ship, which appears before the fortress of Santa Teresa, in the Banda Oriental, on May 20, 1806, gives the first alarm to the authorities of the Viceroyalty.

June 13, 1806. For five days the British fleet has been in the waters of the Río de la Plata. Popham and Beresford are now reunited aboard the frigate “Narcissus,” along with their top lieutenants. The two British leaders have convened a war meeting to make a final decision on what the target of the attack will be. Until that moment, Beresford has maintained the convenience of occupying Montevideo first, since this place has powerful fortifications that will be very useful for the small invading force, if there is a violent reaction from the population of the Viceroyalty. Popham, however, is determined to attack Buenos Aires directly, and has an extraordinarily convincing argument in his favor. Thanks to the reports of a Scotsman, who was traveling on a ship captured by the English a few days before, it is known that the royal funds destined to be sent to Spain are deposited in Buenos Aires. The prospect of getting hold of the treasure finally dispels all doubts. Furthermore, the conquest of Buenos Aires, capital of the Viceroyalty, will have, in Popham's opinion, a much greater influence on the mood of the colony's population than the capture of the secondary outpost of Montevideo. With extreme audacity, the British sailor thus decides to risk everything for everything.

June 22, 1806. At dusk, a Spanish ship anchors in the port of Ensenada de Barragán, a few kilometers east of Buenos Aires. The ship's commander brings alarming news that will soon reach Viceroy Sobremonte. The English ships are heading towards Ensenada, which indicates that the attack will be launched against the capital of the Viceroyalty. Sobremonte, upon receiving the report, immediately ordered the sending of reinforcements to the eight-gun battery located in Ensenada, and appointed the naval officer Santiago de Liniers to take charge of the defense of the position. Liniers leaves without delay to assume the new command.

From that moment on, events accelerate. On June 24, and given the arrival of new reports indicating the appearance of English ships in front of the Ensenada, Sobremonte launches a decree calling on all men fit to take up arms to join the corps within three days. of militias. Despite the seriousness of the situation, that night the Viceroy attends, along with his family, a performance held at the Comedias theater. His apparent serenity, however, will soon fade completely.

In the middle of the performance, an officer bursts into the Viceroy's box bringing urgent documents sent by Liniers from Ensenada. The English, that morning, had just carried out a landing feint, bringing eight boats loaded with soldiers closer to land. The attack, however, did not materialize, prompting Liniers to point out in his office that the enemy fleet is not made up of units of the English Royal Navy, but rather “despicable privateers, without the courage and resolution to attack, their own.” of the warships of every nation.”

Sobremonte, however, does not participate in the Liniers trial. He immediately leaves the theater, without waiting for the performance to end, and quickly goes to his office in the Fort. There he drafts and signs an order providing for the concentration and readiness of all defense forces. In order not to cause alarm in the city, which sleeps oblivious to the imminent danger, he orders that the regulatory cannon shots not be fired, and sends parties of officers and soldiers to verbally communicate the mobilization order to the militiamen.

Thus arrives the morning of June 25th. In front of Buenos Aires, the English ships appear in line of battle. In the Fort the cannons thunder, raising the alarm, and extreme confusion spreads throughout the city. Hundreds of men come from all the neighborhoods to the barracks, where weapons and equipment have already begun to be distributed, in the midst of terrible disorder.

Shortly after 11 o'clock, and to the surprise of Sobremonte, the enemy ships set sail again and headed southeast. The Viceroy believes that the English have given up the attack. Soon, however, she comes out of his delusion. From Quilmes the alarm cannon resounds, announcing that the landing has begun there.

At noon on June 25, the first British soldiers set foot on land on Quilmes beach. The landing operation continues without any opposition for the rest of the day. Men and weapons are carried in an incessant coming and going to land, by twenty boats. As night falls, Beresford inspects his men under a cold drizzle that soon turns into a heavy downpour. There are only 1,600 soldiers and officers, and they have, as their only heavy weapons, eight artillery pieces. However, this reduction


Advance of the English troops on Buenos Aires, at the moment of crossing the Riachuelo. English engraving of the time.

The clash, under these conditions, can only have one result. Marching through the grasslands, the companies of the 71st regiment resolutely climb the ravine and, despite the defenders' volleys, they gain the crest and overwhelm them, putting them to flight.

From that moment on, chaos breaks out in the defense forces of Buenos Aires, made up almost entirely of militia units lacking any military training. The leadership fails, in the person of Sobremonte, who, overwhelmed by the defeat of his vanguards, only manages to feign a weak attempt at resistance on the banks of the Riachuelo. He concentrated troops there and burned the Gálvez Bridge (current Pueyrredón Bridge) which, from the south, gives direct access to the city. That position, however, will not be sustained. Already on the afternoon of the same day, June 26, Sobremonte met with Colonel Arce, and clearly told him that he had decided to retreat towards the interior.

Beresford, on the other hand, acts with all the energy that circumstances demand. After the battle of Quilmes he only gave his troops two hours of rest, and then tenaciously set out to pursue the defeated enemy. He fails, however, to arrive in time to prevent the destruction of the Gálvez Bridge, but, on June 27, he subjects the defenders' positions on the other bank to violent cannonade, and forces them to retreat. Several sailors then jump into the water and bring boats and rafts from the opposite bank, in which a first assault force crosses the current.

This is how you gain a foothold. Beresford then orders an improvised bridge to be immediately built, using boats, and the rest of his troops quickly cross the Creek. Nothing will now be able to prevent the British advance on the center of the capital city of the Viceroyalty.

Sobremonte has witnessed, from the rear, the actions that culminate with the abandonment of the Gálvez Bridge position. At that time he was in charge of the cavalry forces which, with the arrival of reinforcements from Olivos, San Isidro and Las Conchas, numbered nearly 2,000 men. He avoids combat, however, and begins the retreat towards the city along the "long street of Barracas" (current Montes de Oca avenue).

Those who are not aware of the Viceroy's plans assume that the purpose of this movement is to organize a last resistance in the center of Buenos Aires. However, upon reaching the "Calle de las Torres" (current Rivadavia), instead of heading towards the Fort, Sobremonte turns in the opposite direction and leaves the capital. His hasty march, to which his family soon joins, will continue in successive stages until finally concluding in the city of Córdoba.

Meanwhile, a frightful confusion reigns in Buenos Aires. From the Riachuelo the militia units flow in disorganized groups, who, without practically firing a single shot, have been forced to withdraw, after the retreat of the Viceroy.

The Fort then becomes the center of the events that will culminate with the capitulation. The military leaders, the officials of the Court, the members of the Cabildo and Bishop Lué are gathered there.

Totally dejected, after receiving the news of Sobremonte's withdrawal, the Spanish officials await the arrival of Beresford to surrender the plaza. They have the impression that, in the most difficult hour, the head of the Viceroyalty and representative of the monarch has abandoned them.

Shortly after noon, a British officer sent by Beresford arrives at the Fort, with the Parliament flag. He expresses that his chief demands the immediate surrender of the city and that the resistance cease, pledging to respect the religion and property of the population.

The Spanish did not hesitate to accept the summons, limiting themselves to setting out a series of minimum conditions in a capitulation document that they sent to Beresford without delay. Thus, Buenos Aires and its 40,000 inhabitants are handed over to 1,600 Englishmen who have only fired a few shots.

Popham's audacious coup has fully paid off. The city is in their hands, and the British have only had to pay, as the price for the extraordinary conquest, the loss of one dead sailor. The remaining casualties of the Invasion forces only amount to thirteen wounded soldiers and one missing.

Beresford now marches resolutely on the Fort. On the way he receives the written conditions of capitulation sent to him by the Spanish authorities. The general only stops his progress for a few minutes, to read the documents, and then authoritatively states to the bearer of the document:

-Go and tell your superiors that I agree and will sign the capitulation as soon as the occupation of the city ends... Now I can't waste any more time!

At 4 in the afternoon the British troops arrive at the Plaza Mayor (current Plaza de Mayo), while heavy rain falls on the city. The English soldiers, despite their exhaustion, march martially, accompanied by the music of their band and their pipers. General Beresford tries to give the maximum impression of strength and has arranged for his men to march in spaced columns. The improvised ruse, however, cannot hide from the sight of the population the small number of invading troops that appear before the Fort.

The British General, accompanied by his officers, then enters the fortress, and receives the formal surrender of the capital of the Viceroyalty. The next day, the English flag flies over the building. For forty-six days, the banner will remain there as a symbol of an attempt at domination that, however, will not come to fruition.

Indeed. Neither of the two British bosses consider that the company is finished. Despite the formal compliance that the authorities give them, they know that indignation spreads among the people when they verify that the city has been captured by a simple handful of soldiers.

The resistance, which will not take long to organize, can only be faced through the arrival of the reinforcements that Beresford and Popham rush to request from the London government.

Historiador del País