Biography: Admiral Manuel Domecq García

From war orphan to admiral

MANUEL DOMECQ GARCÍA

By Luis Verón

Next Wednesday marks another anniversary of the battle of Acosta Ñú, during which hundreds of children were massacred in an unequal skirmish. Others survived, and there was no shortage of those who became president of the Republic of Paraguay, such as the case of Emilio Aceval. Today we will remember another survivor of the War against the Triple Alliance who, over the years, became a great personality in Argentine political life, Admiral Manuel Domecq García.


"I was then nine years old. Hundreds of hungry and scattered creatures arrived from the countryside to the capital, following the pilgrims who returned from the deserts, lost for multiple reasons, from our families or guardians, tracking them uselessly. And frightened by the who stole children in the city, those of us who could escape these persecutions fled back into the interior, wandering until we found some pious person in the nearby towns, which had been abandoned and were beginning to be populated again.

"This hunt for minors had lasted from 1869 to 1870, or until later. I went back to the town of Capiatá, taking refuge in a woman from the Mongelós family, until one of my only sisters returned from Cerro Corá, and had to pick me up. with me in the capital. My male brothers all succumbed. The incident that I have described cannot be considered an isolated case, because it was carried out systematically, since the Argentine soldiers themselves went out to walk the streets, looking for small wanderers, or the children of the same neighbors, who had returned to occupy their houses, to later distribute them, as gifts, to their relatives, as living trophies or as "captives." I have had the opportunity to meet many of these unfortunate people, both in the community. capital of Argentina, as in the towns of the provinces, before and after I remained in the army of that country.

This dramatic story was told by Bartolomé Yegros, a child survivor of the War against the Triple Alliance. Theirs was one of the many tragedies experienced by Paraguayan society in the final days of the international conflict that bloodied South America between 1865 and 1870.

Children of war

History gives us several names of children who were kidnapped and taken to neighboring countries, such as the cases of Ramón Grance, Mateo Rivas, José Cantero or Manuel Domecq García. Others were lost in the black pages of the past, as not only were they kidnapped but their own identities were stolen.

Survivors report that a few days after Asunción was taken by the allied forces, in addition to the furniture, jewelry and other looted objects, hundreds of ragged and starving children who had been kidnapped by the soldiers and carried downstream by members of the invading armies, in the midst of dramatic scenes on the part of their relatives, unable to avoid such dispossession, since strong cordons of soldiers did not allow relatives and acquaintances to approach to say goodbye to the unfortunate ones.

The case of the boy Manuel Domecq García is quite curious, because, over time, he became a notable and highly respected personality in Argentine society. He was born in the town of Tobatí on June 12, 1859 and, at just six years old, he was swept up in the maelstrom of war. His father, Tomás Domecq, a military doctor, lost his life in the siege of Humaitá, in 1868, and his mother, Mrs. Eugenia García Ramos de Domecq, would have died in the battle of Piribebuy on August 12, 1869 or due to hardships. following the Paraguayan army as a resident.

Rescued from the jaws of slavery

With the allied forces, numerous families arrived in the country that, until then, lived in exile, such as the case of the Decoud Domecq family, made up of Don Juan Francisco Decoud, second chief of the Paraguayan Legion, and his wife, Doña Concepción Domecq de Decoud, both parents of important protagonists of the national resurrection, such as Don José Segundo Decoud Domecq, journalist, conventional of 1870, minister of state and main ideologue of the National Republican Association, a political party founded in 1887. His brothers Juan José, Adolfo, Diógenes and Héctor Francisco Decoud Domecq stood out in various activities, including literature and journalism, being the founders of the first independent newspaper that the country knew.

According to a report provided by Mrs. Concepción Domecq de Decoud herself, to Dr. Estanislao S. Zeballos, the child Manuel Domecq García had been picked up by soldiers of the Brazilian occupation forces. "After the families returned to Asunción," says Dr. Zeballos, "one night when a meal was being held at the house of Mr. Decoud (Juan Francisco) to rejoice at the family reunion, some Brazilians knocked on the door. He came out. young José Segundo to inquire about the purpose of the visit, and they said that they wanted to speak with the lady.”

When Doña Concepción showed up, with two of her children, the following dialogue took place: "You are looking for a nephew, ma'am; we have one." "Bring him, then." "You need to pay us for the service" "Bring it, I will give you a pound sterling (a high figure at the time)."

The Brazilians refused to hand over the child for that sum and it was only after several minutes of bidding that the handover was agreed upon, when Mrs. Decoud offered to hand over eight pounds sterling for the ransom of the child, who was hidden in a tent in the Brazilian camp.

New loss

In the absence of the parents of the boy Manuel Tomás Domecq García and his sister Eugenia, about five years old, also rescued by her uncles, and given the climate of desolation that existed in Asunción, the children were sent to Argentina to be raised by a maternal uncle, Don Manuel García Ramos, a strong rancher of the time. At one point during the long trip to Argentina, little Manuel Domecq got lost, to the desperation of the person in charge of the children. All efforts to find him were unsuccessful, they continued their journey to Buenos Aires and informed Don Manuel García Ramos of the child's disappearance.

Faced with this situation, Don Manuel resorted to every resource available to him to recover his nephew... He appealed to many friends, both in Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil. He even managed to get the authorities to issue a notice that said: "Circular. Addressed to several Chiefs and Officers of the Allied Army in operations in Paraguay and other people residing in the same country, asking for news of the child Manuel Domecq who has gone missing.

We ask anyone into whose hands this form reaches, if they have any news about the whereabouts of the ten-year-old boy Manuel Domecq, white, black eyes, black hair; Please be kind enough to transmit it to the Argentine Commissioner in Asunción, Colonel D. Pedro José Agüero, directly if possible and if not to the most immediate superior, who is also requested to forward the news to said Colonel.

This child came with the lady in whose care he was, among a group of families that were collected by the allied forces last August. During the walk to the railway station the boy got tired or became ill and a Brazilian officer took him on the back of his horse and in the confusion he got lost, not being able to find him until now.

"The family that is devastated by the loss of this child will deeply thank and gratify the person who provides them with information about his whereabouts. "In Buenos Aires you can think of Peru Street on the corner of Rivadavia." This group was distributed everywhere, but, luckily, it had an effect and, after four months of agonizing waiting, the boy Manuel Tomas Domecq García was able to reunite with his uncle's family.

What happened to the child, the time he was missing again? When he was traveling to meet his uncle Manuel García Ramos, with the unconsciousness of his age, the boy decided to climb on the back of a Brazilian officer's horse, who took him to Brazil, where he was picked up by Marshal Luis Alves de Lima e Silva. , Duke of Caxías, who became so fond of him that he wanted to adopt him. Luckily, his relatives located him and his uncle traveled to Brazil to rescue him.

In Buenos Aires, the boy Manuel and his sister Eugenia went to live in the house of a sister of his mother, Mrs. Demofila García Ramos de Lanús.

Manuel the sailor

In 1873 the Argentine Naval School was founded, which operated on the ship General Brown. Called by his vocation, in 1877, the young Manuel García Domecq entered the brand new school, thus beginning a long and profitable career. He stood out as a student and graduated as a midshipman with excellent grades that made him the first in his class.

In those years, the Argentine government undertook numerous exploratory expeditions of its territory, then unknown to the authorities themselves and with the need to define its limits with neighboring countries.

The young Domecq García participated in several of these expeditions (including some to Pilcomayo), exploring distant territories and carrying out hydrographic surveys of important river courses such as the Paraná and the Yguazú. These missions led him to become one of the important experts on these issues.

In 1886 he joined the Argentine boundary commission with Brazil under the command of Commander Valentín Virasoro and composed, in addition to the young captain, of the hydrographers Niederlein and Brackhauser, Major Rohde and Lieutenant Montes. This commission worked with its Brazilian counterpart to delimit, by surveying the Pepiry-Guazú and San Antonio rivers, the true demarcation line of the border between Brazil and Argentina.

The undeniable ability of the young Paraguayan, nationalized Argentine, led him to carry out important missions commissioned by his superiors, among them being sent to contract the construction of the frigate Sarmiento, destined to be a training ship for the Argentine Navy.

After studying the various proposals from European shipyards, finally, in 1896, he contracted with the firm Laird Brothers, established in Birkenhead, England. Once the construction of the frigate Sarmiento was completed, Domecq returned to his country, being appointed commander in chief of the Río de la Plata Division.

Domecq García in Japan

By order of the government of General Julio Argentino Roca, Captain Manuel Domecq García was appointed president of the Argentine commission for the construction of the armored cruisers Moreno and Rivadavia at the Gio Ansaldo shipyard in Genova. Despite certain family problems - the death of his eldest daughter - he dedicated himself fully to supervising the construction of these two ships, the most advanced of the time in naval matters, in addition to others already delivered to the Argentine Navy: Garibaldi , San Martín, Belgrano and Pueyrredón.

But the fate of the ships whose construction was supervised by Domecq García was going to be totally different from what was planned. In 1902, Argentina signed a disarmament pact with Chile and the equalization of the naval power of both countries.

The two battleships were completed in 1904 and if they were incorporated into the Argentine fleet, the aforementioned pact would be violated. For this reason, the sale of the ships to the Empire of Japan was processed.

Domecq García, as head of the Naval Mission in Genoa, was in charge of delivering the ships to the Japanese envoys, who renamed the battleships with the names of Kasuga and Nisshin.

The Russo-Japanese War was in full swing and the Japanese Empire had invited the Argentine Government to appoint a Navy officer to attend as an observer of the war. The designation fell to Manuel Domecq García, who traveled from Genoa to the scene of war.

Observer in the Russo-Japanese War

The mission as an observer of the Russo-Japanese War was very beneficial in the career of the sailor, who gained the trust of the Japanese and had the opportunity to tour the facilities of various arsenals, the naval school, the machinists' school, etc., in addition to being on board various warships and attending more than one naval battle, some of them frankly bloody.

After almost two years in Japan, Domecq García returned to Argentina in May 1906.

The Paraguayan Domecq García, Argentine admiral

After an eventful life, knowing the horrors of a war in the middle of his childhood, carrying out exploratory expeditions, carrying out important missions abroad, among other things, on May 19, 1908, at the age of forty-nine, Manuel Tomás Domecq García received the honors of the admiralty when he was promoted to rear admiral, after a long postponement as a ship captain, serving in the Navy in different destinations.

Domecq García, the factor

Already with the palms of the admiralty, his long experience in naval matters determined that on December 17, 1908, President Figueroa Alcorta appointed him president of the naval commission in Europe. This commission had to study the proposals and collect reports from the different shipyards that would build ships to reinforce Argentine naval power.

For this purpose, he traveled again to Europe and the United States, where he commissioned the construction of the two largest warships in the world at that time and which cost the country five million pounds sterling. These two battleships were again baptized with the names Moreno and Rivadavia.

After three years at the head of the naval mission in the United States, Domecq García returned to Argentina, being appointed commander in chief of the Sea Squadron. He commanded the battleship Moreno and, now with the rank of vice admiral, he commanded the Argentine flagship, the battleship Rivadavia.

In 1922, Dr. Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear was elected President of the Republic and appointed the most prestigious sailor of the time as Minister of the Navy: Manuel Domecq García. From his ministerial functions, Domecq García was the factor in the modernization of the neighboring country's Navy, which saw its fleet increase, especially through the acquisition of submarines, which were added to the Argentine fleet, some years later.

Both President Alvear and Admiral Domecq García encouraged the construction of submarines by the Argentine Navy and promoted the equipping of a special shipyard. That shipyard was named after his main mentor: "Minister Manuel Domecq García Shipyard", recently reconditioned and reopened by the government of President Néstor Kirchner.

At the Ministry of the Navy

In his youth, Manuel Domecq García was one of the founders of the Argentine Naval Center. In 1912, he was one of the promoters of the creation of the Aeronautics of the neighboring country and, years later, as Minister of the Navy of the Argentine Republic, Manuel Domecq García was the drafter, among other things, of the project of agreement with the Republic of Uruguay for the determination of the jurisdiction of both countries over the waters that separate them; of the preliminary draft for the formation of the Argentine Overseas Merchant Navy; the remodeling of the port of Quequén and the construction of another in Uruguay Bay; of the project to exploit ferrous and plumb minerals at the Valcheta mine, among other achievements.

Being a minister, and because he met the age limit, with the recognition of the entire institution, he retired from naval activity, after fifty-eight years, four months and fourteen days of continuous service. His management was not only recognized in his country, but also abroad: King George V of England honored him with the decoration of Knight of the British Empire. Retired from public activity, the governments that came later did not hesitate to turn to the old admiral to request his wise advice.

When the war broke out that bloodied our country and Bolivia (1932-1935), Admiral Domecq García, so close to Paraguay by ties of blood and friendship, supported Paraguay's fortunes and was one of the main promoters of Argentine aid to the Paraguay.

Personally, he was the founder of the Paraguayan Red Cross Fraternal Association, which sent uniforms, blankets, food, etc. to the front, and he was a member, as a special advisor, of the Argentine commission that, chaired by the Argentine chancellor, Carlos Saavedra Lamas, finally achieved the peace agreement between the belligerents, signed in Buenos Aires on June 12, 1935.

In the postwar period, Admiral Domecq García continued to demonstrate his friendship towards Paraguay. At the desperate request of General José Félix Estigarribia, prisoner after the overthrow of President Eusebio Ayala, he welcomed the wife and daughter of the Paraguayan hero into his home and took care of mobilizing the authorities of Argentina and Brazil, to the opinion public, without forgetting the big bankers and businessmen, until finally obtaining the freedom of both prisoners.

Argentine Patriotic League

On January 16, 1919, a far-right paramilitary group called itself the Argentine Patriotic League was created in Buenos Aires and Manuel Domecq García was elected as provisional president, a position he held until April of the same year. When the general strike of rural laborers broke out in the province of Santa Cruz in November 1920, an event popularly known as Rebel Patagonia, the League enlisted to stop the strike. The League had an outstanding performance in the conflict that ended in January in 1922, with a death toll of 1,500 workers.

The meetings of this group were held in the rooms of the Military Circle, where Domecq García, together with Rear Admiral Eduardo O'Connor, distributed the weapons that the League used for its raids.

In 1938, Domecq García was one of the promoters of General Estigarribia's candidacy for the presidency of the Republic of Paraguay, telling him, among other things: "...just as in the last war the entire people of Paraguay mobilized to defend it." "You must mobilize in your government, if it arrives as I wish, that same people for work, so that the shovel and the pickaxe, instead of the rifle, are the weapons of progress."

After a long life, on January 11, 1951, at the age of ninety-two, Manuel Domecq García, that boy born in a small Paraguayan town, who knew the horrors of the war in which he lost his parents and whose fate He took to Argentina, a country he served with heroism from the wild missionary forests, the inhospitable Chaco wastelands, who actively contributed to enhancing the naval power of his adopted country, he gave his soul, after becoming deserving of the highest awards and honors. professionals, leaving behind as he died a mortgaged house and a twenty-year-old car, his uniforms, his letters and the admired memory of his Argentine compatriots. It is time for his Paraguayan compatriots to start getting to know him.

Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata: British Preparations for the Invasion of 1806

Preparation of the English Invasions

May 3, 1803. In the British legation building in Paris, the lights burn late at night. The ambassador, Lord Charles Whitworth, makes final preparations to leave the French capital. The war between his country and France is already a practically accomplished fact. Once again the two great powers will launch into the fight, to decide, in a last and gigantic clash, which will exercise supremacy in the world.

Shortly before midnight a French government official arrives at the embassy. He brings an urgent message from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord. He asks Whitworth for an interview that should take place the following afternoon, and in which matters of extreme importance will be discussed. The British ambassador believes he discovers a ray of hope in the request. It is still possible, at the last moment, to preserve peace.


William Pitt, Prime Minister of Great Britain, and Napoleon, Emperor of France. They dispute the domination of the world. Engraving from 1805

At the appointed time the meeting takes place. Talleyrand, bluntly, presents his proposal: Napoleon Bonaparte offers Great Britain an honorable exit. The center of the dispute, the island of Malta, a strategic key to the Mediterranean, will be evacuated by the British forces that occupy it. But when the British withdraw, Malta will be under the control of Russia, a country that will have to guarantee that the island does not serve the war interests of France or England. Whitworth listens attentively to the Minister, and then, without hesitation, gives his response:

-Mr Minister, my country considers Malta as a key position for its security. Our troops must, therefore, remain on the island for a period of no less than ten years...

Talleyrand, avoiding a specific response, incites the ambassador to transmit Napoleon's proposal to the London cabinet. Master in the art of persuasion, Talleyrand achieves his goal. Whitworth leaves the Minister's office determined to support the negotiation. Whether war is avoided depends on it.

May 7, 1803. The British cabinet, chaired by Henry Addington, Viscount of Sidmouth, studies Whitworth's office with the French proposal. The discussion is brief. For British Ministers there is no possibility of compromise. The offer only constitutes, in his opinion, a new ploy by Napoleon to gain time until his fleet, which is in the Antilles, reaches the European coast. Addington then issues a final order, which must be immediately transmitted to the embassy in Paris: the proposal is rejected. The French must accept, as the only way out, that the English forces remain in Malta for a period of ten years. If they refuse, Whitworth must leave Paris within thirty-six hours.

The die, for the British, is cast. On the night of May 11, Napoleon gathers his governing council at the Saint-Cloud palace. He has the British note in his hands, and makes it known to the Ministers. A dramatic silence follows his words. A vote is then taken to decide the issue. Of the seven members of the council present, only Talleyrand and Joseph Bonaparte oppose starting the fight. The war is finally underway.

On May 18, the British government officially announces the start of hostilities. On that same day the first meeting takes place. An English frigate, after a short cannonade, captures a French ship near the coast of Brittany. From that moment on, and for more than ten years, peace will no longer reign in Europe. Within the whirlwind of events generated by that conflict, the American emancipation movement will take place.

The war that begins soon engulfs Spain as well. At first the King, Charles IV, and Manuel Godoy, his Prime Minister, try to stay out of the fight, evading the obligations of the alliance with France. To this end, and as a price for their neutrality, they offer Napoleon the signing of a treaty by which they undertake to give him a monthly subsidy of 6,000,000 francs. Napoleon, already working feverishly on organizing the invasion of England, accepts the deal. However, the British are determined to prevent Spain from sustaining a “half-war”, and will force it to define itself.

On May 7, 1804, William Pitt (son), the “pilot of the storms,” once again assumed the leadership of the English government. Eleven days later Napoleon takes the title of Emperor of the French. The two men who symbolize the will to predominance of their respective nations are thus confronted. For Pitt, the time has come for the final clash, and he is determined to maintain an all-out fight until he achieves absolute victory. Napoleon and his empire must be destroyed, so that the “European balance” that will allow Great Britain to continue its aggrandizement without hindrance is restored. Thus, upon receiving the Spanish ambassador in London, he categorically told him:

- The nature of this war does not allow us to distinguish between enemies and neutrals... the distance that separates both is so short that any unexpected event, any mistrust or suspicion, will force us to consider them equal.

This veiled threat soon translated into concrete aggression. The pretext is given by the reports sent by Admiral Alexander Cochrane, pointing out the concentration of French naval forces in Spanish ports. On September 18, 1804, the English government sent Admiral William Cornwallis, head of the fleet blocking the French port of Brest, the order to capture the Spanish ships that, coming from the Río de la Plata, took the flows to Cádiz. from America. Cornwallis immediately detaches four of his fastest frigates to set out in pursuit of the Spanish ships.


The British Ambassador in Paris, Lord Charles Witworth, facing Napoleon.

On October 5, 1804 the meeting took place. Advancing through the fog, the English ships intercept their prey twenty-five leagues off Cádiz. A brief and violent combat then ensues, during which one of the Spanish frigates, the "Mercedes", explodes and sinks. On board her, Mrs. María Josefa Balbastro y Dávila, wife of the second chief of the Spanish flotilla, Captain Diego de Alvear, perished. The latter, who travels on the frigate “Clara”, saves his life along with that of his son, Carlos María, the future General Alvear, warrior of Argentine independence.

The fight ends with the surrender of the three Spanish ships that escape destruction. These ships, loaded with more than 2,000,000 pounds of gold and silver bars, are taken to the port of Plymouth. This is the first blow of the English, and provokes a violent reaction in Spain. In Great Britain itself, the unexpected attack gives rise to a strict condemnation by Lord William Wyndham Grenville, who does not hesitate to declare:

 -Three hundred victims murdered in complete peace! The French call us a mercantile nation, they claim that the thirst for gold is our only passion; "Do they not have the right to consider that this attack is the result of our greed for Spanish gold?"

The coup against the frigates, however, is nothing more than the beginning of a series of attacks that follow one another quickly. Off Barcelona, ​​Admiral Nelson captures three other Spanish ships; and in the waters of the Balearic Islands, English ships attack a military convoy and capture an entire regiment of Spanish soldiers that is heading to reinforce the garrison of Mallorca. In the face of aggression, Spain cannot fail to respond with war. That is precisely what Pitt intends.

October 12, 1804. In a luxurious country mansion located on the outskirts of London, an interview is held that will have decisive consequences for the future of the Río de la Plata. Prime Minister William Pitt, Henry Melville, First Lord of the Admiralty, and Commodore Home Popham are gathered there.

The fight against Spain is already, for the British leaders, a reality, even though the rupture of hostilities has not yet been finalized. The meeting, therefore, aims to analyze possible plans of action against the Spanish possessions in America. That's why Popham is there. He, together with Francisco Miranda, has worked intensely on the development of projects aimed at operating militarily on American lands to separate the Spanish colonies from the metropolis. Pitt and Melville listen attentively to Popham's reports and agree with his intentions. One point, however, worries Pitt. He wishes to be assured that, should the planned war against Spain fail to break out, Miranda will not carry out the operation. Popham responds categorically:

 -Miranda, who I know very well, will never violate his commitment. He will respect his pledged word to the end. In this way the discussion concluded. Popham received the order from his superiors to draft the project in detail and present it to Lord Melville within four days.

Thus was born the famous “Popham Memorial”, the starting point of the British attack on Buenos Aires in June 1806. Upon receiving the news, Miranda met with Popham and, using documents and maps, proceeded with him to complete the memorial. . The main objective was Venezuela and New Granada, where Miranda intended to disembark and raise the cry for independence. Popham, in turn, introduced a secondary operation into the project, directed against the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, which he would attack using a force of 3,000 men. He also proposed that troops brought from India and Australia act in the Pacific against Valparaíso, Lima and Panama. Miranda would command the forces operating in Venezuela, and Popham would take charge of the expedition against Buenos Aires.

The purposes of the plan were clearly defined: the idea of ​​conquering South America was completely ruled out, since the objective was to promote its emancipation. It was contemplated, however, "the possibility of gaining all its prominent points, establishing some military possessions." The American market, in turn, would be opened to British trade.

On October 16, punctually, Popham and Miranda presented the memorial to Viscount Melville. He found it satisfactory, but he refrained from expressing a definitive opinion about the realization of the project, since England was facing a very serious threat at that time, which forced it to concentrate all its forces. On the other bank of the English Channel, in the military camp of Boulogne, Napoleon had enlisted an army of almost 200,000 soldiers. The emperor was determined to carry out what seemed impossible: the invasion of the British Isles. “Since it can be done... it must be done!” he had stated, in categorical order, to his Minister of the Navy. At the instigation of this directive, in all the ports of the French coast the shipyards worked feverishly on the construction of thousands of vessels destined to ensure the passage of the army through the channel. In one of his dispatches, Napoleon clearly defined his unshakable resolve:

“Let us be masters of the canal for six hours, and we will be masters of the world!”

The danger of a French landing was, therefore, imminent.

Within the climate of extreme alarm created by this situation, it was inevitable that Popham and Miranda's plans would be put aside. Another no less important fact came together to contribute to the definitive postponement of the planned expeditions. Russia began negotiations with the British government to form a new coalition of European powers against Napoleon. However, as a condition of that alliance, Tsar Alexander I demanded that an attempt be made to also attract Spain to the coalition. Pitt was thus forced to suspend all action against the American colonies.

That attitude was maintained even after Spain had formally declared war on Great Britain on December 12, 1804. The insistent complaints that Miranda sent to Pitt were of no use. He remained imperturbable, and informed the Venezuelan general that the political situation in Europe had not yet reached the degree of maturity necessary to begin the enterprise.

It is the month of July 1805. Miranda, completely disillusioned by the failure of his efforts, decides to leave Great Britain and go to the United States, where he trusts that he will receive help to carry out the emancipation crusade. Popham, in turn, has lost all hope. He is serving in the port of Plymouth, far from London and his contacts with the senior leaders of English politics. For that adventurous man, inaction, however, cannot be prolonged.

Secret reports thus come to their knowledge about the weakness of the forces defending the Dutch colony of the Cape of Good Hope, at the southern tip of the African continent. This news is enough for the sailor to conceive a new and daring undertaking. He without delay heads to London, and there he meets with one of the members of the cabinet. For Popham it is necessary, and this is what he states, to take advantage of the extraordinary opportunity that is presented and, through a surprise attack, take over the aforementioned colony.

Finding out, Pitt decides to immediately launch the operation. This time, unlike what happened with the American projects, the prime minister does not show any hesitation. Without a doubt, the Cape of Good Hope constitutes a vital point for Great Britain, as it dominates the maritime communication route with its possessions in India. For the English, it is essential that this strategic position does not fall into the hands of the French, who are known to have deployed naval forces in the South Atlantic.


William Pitt Portrait

On July 25, 1805, the pertinent instructions were sent, under the label of "very secret", to General David Baird, who had been appointed head of the attack forces. Six infantry regiments and one cavalry regiment, with a total of almost 6,000 soldiers, are assigned to the expedition. Popham receives command of the escort flotilla, made up of five warships.

Four days later, Popham has a final interview with Pitt. The sailor has, meanwhile, received new and confidential reports. A powerful merchant from London, Thomas Wilson, informed him that he had positive news that Montevideo and Buenos Aires were practically unguarded, and that a force of a thousand soldiers would be enough to achieve the conquest of both places.

In the conversation he has with Pitt, Popham informs him of the data indicated. The prime minister, however, tells the commodore that, in view of the position adopted by Russia, which demands that Spain be drawn into the ranks of the coalition against Napoleon, he cannot authorize any hostile action against the American colonies. He concludes, however, with a statement that will have a decisive influence on Popham's subsequent behavior. These were Pitt's words:

 -Despite this, Popham, and in case the negotiations we are carrying out with Spain fail, I am determined to re-adopt your project.

Thus, the Commodore left to join his ships, convinced that it would not be long before Pitt sent him the order to attack Buenos Aires. When embarking in Portsmouth on his flagship, the “Diadem”, Popham carries in his luggage a copy of the memorial that, in October 1804, he wrote together with Francisco Miranda. The plan, after all, will have to be carried out as soon as the favorable opportunity arises.

November 11, 1805. The population of the Brazilian port of Bahia gathers at the docks and witnesses the unexpected arrival of the British expeditionary force. Popham goes ashore and obtains there, in addition to the water and food he needs for his squad, new reports that confirm those he has already received in London. The Río de la Plata lacks sufficient military forces to resist an assault carried out with determination and audacity. An Englishman who has just arrived in Bahia from Montevideo does not hesitate to declare to Popham: "If the attack is carried out, the same inhabitants of the city will force the Spanish garrison to capitulate without firing a single shot..."

When Popham leaves the Brazilian coast and heads towards the Cape of Good Hope, he has practically already decided to try the enterprise. The only thing left now is for the situation in Europe to take the necessary turn for the London authorities to abandon their refusal to carry out the attack.

The news of the English fleet's landfall in Bahia soon spread. Alarm is spreading in Buenos Aires, and Viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte mobilizes all forces to face the invasion, which he considers imminent. In the United States, in turn, the newspapers, based on rumors and erroneous reports, anticipate events and, four months before the British troops disembark in the Río de la Plata, publish the news that Buenos Aires it has already been conquered by Popham and Baird.

The aggression, however, was not yet to occur. Deviating from the American coasts, the English headed to the Cape of Good Hope, where they arrived in the first days of January 1806. The conquest of the colony was easily achieved, after defeating the Dutch forces in a short combat. The mission was thus accomplished. Popham, impatient, then waits for reports from Europe, ready to launch himself into the Río de la Plata as soon as circumstances allow it.

In the month of February, reports of the extraordinary victory obtained by Admiral Nelson at Trafalgar reach the commodore. The fleets of France and Spain have been eliminated as combative forces, in a day of fighting that definitively ensures the supremacy of Great Britain on all the seas. But this triumph was counteracted, shortly afterwards, by the crushing defeat that Napoleon inflicted on the Austrian and Russian armies in Austerlitz. The news of this last battle was obtained by Popham on March 4, 1806, through the crew of a French frigate that the English captured off the Cape of Good Hope.

A concrete fact arises, however, from these two events. Spain has been definitively linked to her alliance with Napoleon, and there is no longer any possibility of attracting her to the ranks of the coalition that, practically, has ceased to exist. Popham, therefore, is at liberty to carry out his plans.


Henry Melville, First Lord of the Admiralty.

The commodore then decides to act. Thomas Waine, captain of the “Elizabeth”, a North American slave ship that has made several trips to Buenos Aires and Montevideo, confirms the news about the weakness of the forces defending both places. Therefore, there is no need to waste any more time. On April 9, Popham sends a letter to the admiralty in which he communicates that he has decided not to remain inactive in Cabo, since all danger has already disappeared there, and that he leaves with his ships to operate on the coasts of the Río de la Plata.

The next day Popham sets sail, but shortly afterwards he must interrupt sailing when the wind dies down. He then takes advantage of the circumstance to resolutely demand that General Baird support his plans, providing him with a contingent of troops. The reports from the American captain and those he obtains from an English sailor who has lived eight years in Buenos Aires serve as a powerful argument in the discussion he has with his colleague. Finally, Baird, convinced that nothing will stop Popham in his adventure, decides to give him the support he requests.

The attack on Buenos Aires is thus resolved. On April 14, 1806, Popham's ships set sail from Cape Town, escorting five transports carrying more than 1,000 soldiers, commanded by General William Carr Beresford. A veteran of many campaigns, Beresford is, because of his resolve and courage, the right man to attempt the plan. As the main assault force, the British leader has the troops of the brave 71st Scottish Regiment.

For six days the fleet sails without problems, heading west. On April 20, however, a violent gale breaks out and the ships disperse, losing contact with one of the troop transports. Popham, to cover the loss, heads to the island of Saint Helena, where he requests and obtains a reinforcement of almost 300 men from the British governor. Before leaving the island, the sailor sends a last letter to the admiralty to justify, once again, his behavior. To that note he attaches the famous memorial that, in 1804, he presented to Pitt. This is proof that the expedition does not respond to an improvised decision, but is the result of a plan already studied by the British government. The conquest of Buenos Aires, Popham points out, will give the English possession of the "most important commercial center in all of South America."

Then the long journey begins. A frigate, the “Leda”, ahead of the bulk of the fleet and sails quickly towards the American coasts, with the mission of reconnoitring the terrain. The appearance of that ship, which appears before the fortress of Santa Teresa, in the Banda Oriental, on May 20, 1806, gives the first alarm to the authorities of the Viceroyalty.

June 13, 1806. For five days the British fleet has been in the waters of the Río de la Plata. Popham and Beresford are now reunited aboard the frigate “Narcissus,” along with their top lieutenants. The two British leaders have convened a war meeting to make a final decision on what the target of the attack will be. Until that moment, Beresford has maintained the convenience of occupying Montevideo first, since this place has powerful fortifications that will be very useful for the reduced invading force, if there is a violent reaction from the population of the Viceroyalty. Popham, however, is determined to attack Buenos Aires directly, and has an extraordinarily convincing argument in his favor. Thanks to the reports of a Scotsman, who was traveling on a ship captured by the English a few days before, it is known that the royal funds destined to be sent to Spain are deposited in Buenos Aires. The prospect of getting hold of the treasure finally dispels all doubts. Furthermore, the conquest of Buenos Aires, capital of the Viceroyalty, will have, in Popham's opinion, a much greater influence on the mood of the colony's population than the capture of the secondary outpost of Montevideo. With extreme audacity, the British sailor thus decides to risk everything for everything.

June 22, 1806. At dusk, a Spanish ship anchors in the port of Ensenada de Barragán, a few kilometers east of Buenos Aires. The ship's commander brings alarming news that will soon reach the knowledge of Viceroy Sobremonte. The English ships are heading towards Ensenada, which indicates that the attack will be launched against the capital of the Viceroyalty. Sobremonte, upon receiving the report, immediately ordered the sending of reinforcements to the eight-gun battery located in La Ensenada, and appointed the naval officer Santiago de Liniers to take charge of the defense of the position. Liniers leaves without delay to assume the new command.

From that moment on, events accelerate. On June 24, and with the arrival of new reports that indicate the appearance tion of the English ships in front of the Ensenada, Sobremonte launches a decree summoning all men capable of bearing arms to join the militia corps within three days. Despite the seriousness of the situation, that night the Viceroy attends, along with his family, a performance held at the Comedias theater. His apparent serenity, however, will soon fade completely.

In the middle of the performance, an officer bursts into the Viceroy's box bringing urgent documents sent by Liniers from Ensenada. The English, that morning, had just carried out a landing feint, bringing eight boats loaded with soldiers closer to land. The attack, however, did not materialize, prompting Liniers to point out in his office that the enemy fleet is not made up of units of the English Royal Navy, but rather “despicable privateers, without the courage and resolution to attack, their own.” of the warships of every nation.”

Sobremonte, however, does not participate in the Liniers trial. He immediately leaves the theater, without waiting for the performance to end, and quickly goes to his office in the Fort. There he drafts and signs an order providing for the concentration and readiness of all defense forces. In order not to cause alarm in the city, which sleeps oblivious to the imminent danger, he orders that the regulatory cannon shots not be fired, and sends parties of officers and soldiers to verbally communicate the mobilization order to the militiamen.

Thus arrives the morning of June 25th. In front of Buenos Aires, the English ships appear in line of battle. In the Fort the cannons thunder, raising the alarm, and extreme confusion spreads throughout the city. Hundreds of men come from all the neighborhoods to the barracks, where weapons and equipment have already begun to be distributed, in the midst of terrible disorder.

Shortly after 11 o'clock, and to the surprise of Sobremonte, the enemy ships set sail again and set course towards the southeast. The Viceroy believes that the English have given up the attack. Soon, however, she comes out of his delusion. From Quilmes the alarm cannon resounds, announcing that the landing has begun there.

At noon on June 25, the first British soldiers set foot on land on Quilmes beach. The landing operation continues without any opposition for the rest of the day. Men and weapons are carried in an incessant coming and going to land, by twenty boats. As night falls, Beresford inspects his men under a cold drizzle that soon turns into a heavy downpour. There are only 1,600 soldiers and officers, and they have, as their only heavy weapons, eight artillery pieces. However, this small force is made up of professional combatants, for whom war is nothing more than a job. Veterans of a hundred battles, they are determined, like their boss, to take by storm a city whose population exceeds 40,000 inhabitants. That is the order, and they will have to comply with it, facing any risk.

With the arrival of day, Beresford orders his troops to prepare for the attack. At eleven o'clock the drums begin their roll, and the flags are displayed in the wind. From the top of the ravine facing the beach, the deputy inspector general of the troops, Colonel Pedro de Arce, sent by Sobremonte to contain the English, observes the movement of the enemy forces. With a measured step, and accompanied by the martial airs of the bagpipers, the British advance towards the swamp that separates them from Arce and his 600 militiamen. The latter, armed with a few carbines, swords and chuzas, grouped behind the three cannons with which they intended to repel the British assault.


Advance of the English troops on Buenos Aires, at the moment of crossing the Riachuelo. English engraving of the time.

The clash, under these conditions, can only have one result. Marching through the grasslands, the companies of the 71st regiment resolutely climb the ravine and, despite the defenders' volleys, they gain the crest and overwhelm them, putting them to flight.

From that moment on, chaos breaks out in the defense forces of Buenos Aires, made up almost entirely of militia units lacking any military training. The leadership fails, in the person of Sobremonte, who, overwhelmed by the defeat of his vanguards, only manages to feign a weak attempt at resistance on the banks of the Riachuelo. He concentrated troops there and burned the Gálvez Bridge (current Pueyrredón Bridge) which, from the south, gives direct access to the city. That position, however, will not be sustained. Already on the afternoon of the same day, June 26, Sobremonte met with Colonel Arce, and clearly told him that he had decided to retreat inland.

Beresford, on the other hand, acts with all the energy that circumstances demand. After the battle of Quilmes he only gave his troops two hours of rest, and then tenaciously set out to pursue the defeated enemy. He fails, however, to arrive in time to prevent the destruction of the Gálvez Bridge, but, on June 27, he subjects the defenders' positions on the other bank to violent cannonade, and forces them to retreat. Several sailors then jump into the water and bring boats and rafts from the opposite bank, in which a first assault force crosses the current.

This is how you gain a foothold. Beresford then orders an improvised bridge to be immediately built, using boats, and the rest of his troops quickly cross the Creek. Nothing will now be able to prevent the British advance on the center of the capital city of the Viceroyalty.

Sobremonte has witnessed, from the rear, the actions that culminate with the abandonment of the Gálvez Bridge position. At that moment he was in charge of the cavalry forces which, with the arrival of reinforcements from Olivos, San Isidro and Las Conchas, numbered nearly 2,000 men. He avoids combat, however, and begins the retreat towards the city along the "long street of Barracas" (current Montes de Oca avenue).

Those who are not aware of the Viceroy's plans assume that the purpose of this movement is to organize a last resistance in the center of Buenos Aires. However, upon reaching the "Calle de las Torres" (current Rivadavia), instead of heading towards the Fort, Sobremonte turns in the opposite direction and leaves the capital. His hasty march, to which his family soon joins, will continue in successive stages until finally concluding in the city of Córdoba.

Meanwhile, a frightful confusion reigns in Buenos Aires. From the Riachuelo the militia units flow in disorganized groups, who, without practically firing a single shot, have been forced to withdraw, after the retreat of the Viceroy.

The Fort then becomes the center of the events that will culminate with the capitulation. The military leaders, the officials of the Court, the members of the Cabildo and Bishop Lué are gathered there.

Totally dejected, after receiving the news of Sobremonte's withdrawal, the Spanish officials await the arrival of Beresford to surrender the plaza. They have the impression that, in the most difficult hour, the head of the Viceroyalty and representative of the monarch has abandoned them.

Shortly after noon, a British officer sent by Beresford arrived at the Fort, with a Parliament flag. He expressed that his boss demanded the immediate surrender of the city and that the resistance cease, pledging to respect the religion and property of the inhabitants.

The Spanish did not hesitate to accept the summons, limiting themselves to setting out a series of minimum conditions in a capitulation document that they sent to Beresford without delay. Thus, Buenos Aires and its 40,000 inhabitants are handed over to 1,600 Englishmen who have only fired a few shots.

Popham's audacious coup has fully paid off. The city is in their hands, and the British have only had to pay, as the price for the extraordinary conquest, the loss of one dead sailor. The remaining casualties of the Invasion forces only amount to thirteen wounded soldiers and one missing.

Beresford now marches resolutely on the Fort. On the way he receives the written conditions of capitulation sent to him by the Spanish authorities. The general only stops his progress for a few minutes, to read the documents, and then authoritatively states to the bearer of the document:

-Go and tell your superiors that I agree and will sign the capitulation as soon as the occupation of the city ends... Now I can't waste any more time!

At 4 in the afternoon the British troops arrive at the Plaza Mayor (current Plaza de Mayo), while heavy rain falls on the city. The English soldiers, despite their exhaustion, march martially, accompanied by the music of their band and their pipers. General Beresford tries to give the maximum impression of strength and has arranged for his men to march in spaced columns. The improvised ruse, however, cannot hide from the sight of the population the small number of invading troops that appear before the Fort.

The British General, accompanied by his officers, then enters the fortress, and receives the formal surrender of the capital of the Viceroyalty. The next day, the English flag flies over the building. For forty-six days, the banner will remain there as a symbol of an attempt at domination that, however, will not come to fruition.

Indeed. Neither of the two British bosses considers the company to be finished. Despite the formal compliance that the authorities give them, they know that indignation spreads among the people when they verify that the city has been captured by a simple handful of soldiers.

The resistance, which will not take long to organize, can only be faced through the arrival of the reinforcements that Beresford and Popham rush to request from the London government.

Historiador del País

Argentine Army: Military Ranks

1955 Revolution: A Peronist General's Failed Rebellion and His Succesful Execution

Not even a damn military rebellion can organize a Peronist

Argentina en la Memoria
@OldArg1810






On June 9, 1956, the uprising of General Juan José Valle, and other soldiers and civilians who participated in the Peronist resistance, took place against the government of the Liberating Revolution, chaired by General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu.




In adopting its harsh anti-Peronist policies, the government had to take into account the possibility of counterrevolutionary violence. Above all because of the punitive measures he adopted against those whom he considered immoral beneficiaries of the "Peronist regime." The arrest of prominent figures, the investigation of people and companies allegedly involved in illicit profits, and the extensive purges that affected people who held union and military positions contributed to forming a group of disaffected individuals.



It was only logical to expect that some of them, especially those with military training, would resort to direct action to harass the government or overthrow it. Although incidents of sabotage carried out by workers were common in the months that followed Aramburu's inauguration, it was only in March 1956, as a consequence of the decrees that had declared the Peronist Party illegal, prohibiting the public use of Peronist symbols and other political disqualifications, when the conspiracies began.






A contributing factor, although ultimately misleading, may have been the government's decision, announced in February, to remove the death penalty for promoters of military rebellion from the military justice code. This punishment, which had been enacted by the Congress controlled by the Peronist Party, and which represented the interests of Perón, after the coup attempt of September 1951, led by General Menéndez, was eliminated from the military code on the basis that “ “It violates our constitutional traditions that have forever abolished the death penalty for political causes.” The facts would prove that this statement was premature.



The prominent figure in the conspiracy attempts against Aramburu was General (Retired) Juan José Valle, who had voluntarily retired after the fall of Perón and actively participated in the Military Junta of loyal officers that obtained Perón's resignation and handed over the government to General Eduardo Lonardi in September 1955.



Valle tried to attract other officials dissatisfied with the government's measures. One of those who chose to join him was General Miguel Iñiguez, a professional who enjoyed a great reputation and who was still on active duty, although he was on duty, awaiting the results of an investigation into his conduct as commander of the loyal forces in the Córdoba area, in September 1955. Iñiguez had not intervened in politics before the fall of Perón, but with a deep nationalist vocation, General Iñiguez joined General Valle in the reaction against the policies of the Aramburu government.



At the end of March 1956, Iñiguez agreed to act as chief of staff of the revolution, but a few days later he was arrested, denounced by an informer. Held under arrest for the next five months, he was able to escape the fate that awaited his companions.



The Valle conspiracy was, in essence, a military movement that attempted to take advantage of the resentment of many retired officers and non-commissioned officers as well as the unrest among active duty personnel. Although it had the cooperation of many Peronist civilians and the support of elements of the working class, the movement did not achieve the personal approval of Juan Domingo Perón, then exiled in Panama.


The sexual degenerate and his gang

In its preliminary stages, the movement tried to attract nationalist officers dissatisfied with Aramburu who had played key roles during the coup attempt of June 1955, in the coup d'état against Perón in September 1955 and during the Lonardi government, such as the generals Justo Bengoa and Juan José Uranga, who had just retired; but the evident disagreement about who would assume power after the victory ended with their participation. Finally, generals Juan José Valle and Raúl Tanco assumed leadership of what they called the “National Recovery Movement” and they, instead of Perón whose name did not appear in the proclamation prepared for June 9, hoped to be its direct beneficiaries.

The plan provided that military commando groups, mostly non-commissioned officers and civilians, would take over Army units in various cities and garrisons, take over media outlets and distribute weapons to those who responded to the proclamation of the uprising.



This included various terrorist attacks on public buildings, on national and provincial officials, on premises of political parties related to the Liberating Revolution, and on the editorial offices of various newspapers in the country. There was also an extensive list of military and political leaders, government sympathizers, who would be kidnapped and shot by the National Recovery Movement, whose homes were marked with red crosses at that time.



One of them was the one occupied by the socialist leader Américo Ghioldi and the teacher Delfina Varela Domínguez de Ghioldi, on 84 Ambrosetti Street, in the heart of the Caballito neighborhood. Other homes that were marked with red crosses were those of Pedro Aramburu, Isaac Rojas, the relatives of the deceased Eduardo Lonardi, Arturo Frondizi, Monsignor Manuel Tato, Alfredo Palacios, among others.






The government had only recently been aware that a conspiracy was being prepared, although it did not know precisely its scope or date. In early June, several signs, including the appearance of painted crosses, suggested that the uprising was imminent. For this reason, before President Aramburu left Buenos Aires accompanied by the Ministers of the Army and the Navy for a scheduled visit to the cities of Santa Fe and Rosario, it was decided to sign undated decrees and leave them in the hands of Vice President Rojas to to be able to proclaim martial law, if circumstances demanded it.





On June 8, the police detained hundreds of Peronist union soldiers to discourage mass worker participation in the planned movements. The rebels began the uprising between 11 p.m. and midnight on Saturday, June 9, gaining control of the 7th Infantry Regiment based in La Plata, and temporary possession of radio stations in several cities in the interior. In Santa Rosa, province of La Pampa, the rebels quickly took over the military district headquarters, the police department, and the city center. In the Federal Capital, loyal officers, alerted hours before the imminent coup, were able to thwart in a short time the attempt to take over the Army Mechanics School, and its adjacent arsenal, the Palermo regiments, and the Field Non-Commissioned Officers School of May.




Only in La Plata were the rebels able to take advantage of their initial victory, with the help of the civilian group, to launch an attack against the headquarters of the provincial police and that of the Second Infantry Division. There, however, with reinforcements from the Army and Navy that came to support the Police, the rebels were forced to withdraw from the regiment's facilities where, after attacks by Air Force and Navy planes, they surrendered to 9 in the morning of the 10th. The air attacks on Santa Rosa, capital of La Pampa, also ended in the surrender or dispersion of the rebels, more or less at the same time, therefore the rebellion ended up being a failure.





General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, back in Buenos Aires after his brief visit to Santa Fe and Rosario, gave a speech on the National Network, in which he spoke about the events that occurred during the early hours of June 9.




The June 9 insurrection was crushed with a harshness that was unprecedented in the last years of Argentine history. For the first time in the 20th century, a government ordered executions when repressing an attempted rebellion. Under the provisions of martial law, proclaimed shortly after the first rebel attacks, the government decreed that anyone who disturbed order, with or without weapons, would be subjected to summary trial. Over the next three days, twenty-seven people faced firing squads.

During the night of June 9 to 10, when nine civilians and two officers were executed, the rebels still dominated a sector of La Plata and the possibility of workers' uprisings in Greater Buenos Aires and other places could not be discounted. Those first executions were, according to the government, an emergency reaction to frighten and prevent the rebellion from turning into a civil war. This would explain the government's speed in authorizing and making public the executions, a speed that was demonstrated in the lack of any kind of prior trial, in the inclusion, in those who faced the firing squads, of men who had been captured before proclaiming themselves martial law, and in the confusion of the communiqués during the night of June 9 to 10.




During that night, they began to exaggerate the number of rebel civilians shot and erroneously reported the identity of the executed officers, to instill fear in the rebels and prevent them from taking to the streets to try to participate in the movement.



On the afternoon of the 10th, a massive demonstration took place in the Plaza de Mayo, which gave rise to scenes of joy and relief, as anti-Peronist crowds flocked to the Plaza de Mayo to greet President Aramburu and Vice President Rojas, and ask punishments for nationalist/Peronist rebels.

There, Admiral Isaac F. Rojas gave a speech from the balcony of the Casa Rosada:



Similar scenes, although with the roles reversed, had occurred in the past, when Peronist crowds demanded revenge against the rebels in September 1951 and June 1955. Only this time the government paid more attention than Perón to the cry for blood. After this act in Plaza de Mayo, Vice President Rojas, the entire Military Consultative Board, Aramburu and the three military ministers, made the disastrous decision to shoot the prisoners who had participated in the revolution against the government.





Against the advice of some civilian politicians, including some members of the Advisory Board, who urged an end to the executions, including a delegation formed by Américo Ghioldi and other members of the Advisory Board who went to the Government House, to request clemency and that the executions and attempts of some generals who opposed the executions be put to an end by calling Arturo Frondizi to put pressure on the authorities, and even though officers who made up the martial courts recommended that the rebels be subjected to military justice ordinary, the members of the de facto government resolved to continue applying the punishments provided for in martial law.




By making that decision, they persuaded themselves that they were setting an example that would increase the authority of the government and discourage future attempts at rebellion, thus preventing the loss of more lives. It is not known whether the Military Junta, at the June 10 meeting, took into account the fact that the majority of those already executed were civilians and that if the executions were suspended, the military leaders would suffer lighter punishments than those civilians. The truth is that the Military Junta rejected the suggestion of the commander of Campo de Mayo, Colonel Lorio, in the sense of limiting the pending executions to that of one or two lower-ranking officers.



Admiral Rojas strongly opposed making exceptions for the most senior officers, considering that this was a violation of ethics that “history” would not forgive; He preferred to suspend all executions rather than take any measure that would allow military leaders to escape the punishment imposed on those who had followed them. Ultimately, the Military Junta assumed direct responsibility for ordering the execution, over the next two days, of nine officers and seven non-commissioned officers.




On June 12, Manrique went to look for Valle, convinced that the shootings would be interrupted, and took him to the Palermo Regiment, where they interrogated him and sentenced him to death. Aramburu was convinced of doing so and said that "if after we have shot non-commissioned officers and civilians we spare the life of the person most responsible, a general of the Nation who is head of the movement, we are creating a terrible precedent; it will seem that the law It is not the same for everyone and that nothing happens between friends or similar hierarchies; the idea that the law applies only to the unhappy will be consolidated.




At eight at night they told Valle's relatives that he would be executed at 10. His daughter went to ask Monsignor Manuel Tato, deported to Rome in June 1955 during the conflicts between Perón and the Catholic Church and who was targeted for Valle's movement, to do something. Tato spoke with the Apostolic Nuncio, who telegraphed the Pope to ask Aramburu for clemency. But the request was denied. Valle said goodbye to his daughter and gave her some letters, including one addressed to Aramburu in which he said "You will have the satisfaction of having murdered me (...) I retain all my serenity in the face of death. Our material failure is a great moral triumph (...) As a Christian, I stand before God, who died executed, forgiving my murderers."



Shortly after, several sailors took him to an internal courtyard and shot him there. Moments after Valle's execution, the government suspended the application of martial law, bowing to increasing pressure from civilians and the military demanding an end to executions.




The political parties grouped in the National Advisory Board supported the government against the uprising. There was a secret meeting of the Advisory Board, on June 10, in which everyone said that they agreed with what was decided and what was resolved was support for the government. There was nothing related to the executions. Only Frondizi demanded to Aramburu, the next day and in his personal capacity, that civilians not be shot.




Américo Ghioldi, who had sought to stop the executions, wrote an article for the newspaper La Vanguardia in which he developed a justification for them, after learning that General Valle's uprising sought the execution of the socialist leader himself, saying: "The milk of mercy. Now everyone knows that no one will try, without risking life, to alter the order because it means preventing the return to democracy. It seems that in political matters, Argentines need to learn that the letter in blood enters.



Juan Domingo Perón, in a letter to John William Cooke from his exile, was highly critical of the Valle uprising and blamed several of the members of the attempted revolution for betraying him during the events of September 1955, saying: "The frustrated military coup It is a logical consequence of the lack of prudence that characterizes the military. They are in a hurry, we do not have to be in a hurry. Those same soldiers who today feel plagued by the injustice and arbitrariness of the dictatorial scoundrel did not have the same decision. September 16, when I saw them hesitate before every order and every measure of repression of their comrades who today put them to death (...) If I had not realized the betrayal and had remained in Buenos Aires, they themselves "They would have killed me, if only to make merit with the victors."



The first to promote the memory of "the martyrs of June 9" would be the different neo-Peronist groups, such as the Popular Union of Juan Atilio Bramuglia, who would campaign in 1958 against Perón's order to vote for Arturo Frondizi in the presidential elections of this year.