Triple Alliance War: Battle of Yatay

Battle of Yatay

Battle of Yatay - August, 17th 1865

The War of Paraguay can be divided into five campaigns: that of Matto Grosso, that of Uruguay, that of Humaitá, that of Pikysyry and that of the Cordilleras. In Matto Grosso's campaign, the Paraguayans took over the fortresses of Coimbra, Alburquerque, Corumbá, Miranda and Dorados. The second had as its objective Uruguay, where two columns of the Paraguayan army headed, through Corrientes and Río Grande, to expel the Brazilians and maintain the sovereignty of that country. The objective of the third - for the allies - was the capture of the stronghold that was the center of the Paraguayan resistance. The fourth is called that because it was developed on the fortified line of the Pikysyry stream, the second center of the resistance in Paraguay. The fifth was the one that took place after the battle of Lomas Valentinas, on the other side of the Cordilleras, to Cerro Corá.

At the beginning of the second campaign, Solano López left the capital to go and lead his armies. He thus left the Assumption forever. He would never enter her again, not allowing her the hazards of a war to the death or even contemplating her from a distance again.

In reality, at that moment - June 8, 1865 - his agony began, which was that of his country, as he was condemned to a cruel and irremediable death. Before leaving, he addressed a proclamation to the people, in which he implied that he was determined to abandon “the bosom of the Homeland,” to join “his comrades-in-arms in the campaign.”

But he arrived in Humaitá and changed his mind, under the influence of insinuating courtiers, such as Bishop Palacios, who ended up convincing him that this useless sacrifice should not be imposed, having at his side so many capable men who could very well replace him... He therefore installed , there his headquarters, establishing active telegraphic communication with the city of Corrientes, where José Berges exercised his representation.

General Wenceslao Robles had, meanwhile, gathered 30,000 men from all three arms and was in a position to march, without any difficulty, overcoming the small obstacles that he found in his path. At that time the general camp of the allies in Concordia had not yet been established, nor did they have troops capable of counteracting the action of Paraguay. No Paraguayan doubted the success of the enterprise entrusted to Robles, an experienced military man, who had given so much evidence of his brilliant organizational skills. But events soon dashed such optimistic hopes.

At the head of that powerful column, Robles felt inferior to his task, unable to act with the resolution and expertise that circumstances imposed on him. He wasted his time with futile pretexts, advancing extremely slowly, distracted by small, unimportant guerrillas. Thus he lost the unique opportunity given to him, giving all the advantages to the opponents. Finally, he entered into deals with the allies, paying with his life for the serious errors committed.

He was replaced by General Francisco Isidoro Resquín, who made his army countermarch, returning with him to Paraguayan territory. The failure of the Robles expedition determined the failure of the Estigarribia expedition. He, leading 12,000 men, invaded the State of Río Grande del Sud, following the line of Uruguay, to meet the other expeditionary column on the border of the Eastern Republic.

The timely arrival of Robles must have prevented the formation of the allied army that went out to defeat him, allowing him to easily subdue the Brazilians. But it didn't happen like that. Robles never reached the eastern border, not passing beyond the limits of Corrientes. Thanks to this, Miter was able to organize the army until he was in a position to defeat the Paraguayans.



Estigarribia really had to back down when he saw that the agreed plan had failed. But he was pushed forward by the numerous eastern leaders who accompanied him, who assured him that, upon reaching the border of his country, he would have the frank support of all Uruguayan compatriots.

Entering Uruguayana was for him entering a mousetrap. He was soon there surrounded by the already powerful allied army, having to succumb, defeated by hunger and death. A part of his army, which was marching along the right bank of the Uruguay River, under the command of Major Pedro Duarte, also succumbed, crushed by much superior forces.

In fact, on August 17, 1865, 3,500 Paraguayans, cavalry and infantry, fought battle, with 11,000 allies of the three arms, under the command of General Venancio Flores.

Despite his overwhelming enemy superiority, Estigarribia ironically rejected the proposal to surrender to the “liberators of his homeland.” “If VV.EE. (he said to the allied leaders) they are so zealous to give freedom to the Paraguayan people, why don't they start by giving freedom to the unhappy blacks of Brazil, who make up the majority of the population, and groan in the harshest and most frightening captivity to enrich and be idle for some of the hundreds of grandees of the Empire?”

After the defeat of the Paraguayans, Flores declared: “The Paraguayans are worse than savages in fighting, they prefer to die rather than surrender…”

Most of the prisoners were put to the sword (it is estimated that there were around 1,400) and the surviving soldiers were enlisted in the battalions of the allied army, thus forcing them to go against their homeland. Flores said: “The eastern battalions have suffered a great loss in Yatay, and I am determined to replace them with the Paraguayan prisoners, giving a part to General Paunero to increase his battalions, some of which are small.” Meanwhile, Argentine Vice President Dr. Marcos Paz adds: “General Flores has adopted a system of incorporating all prisoners into his ranks, and after reloading his battalion with them he has organized a new one of 500 places with pure Paraguayans.” .

The great oriental publicist, Carlos María Ramírez, protested in 1868 against the systematic repetition of the same event: “The prisoners of war,” he said, “have been distributed among the line corps and, under the flag and in the uniform of the allies, compelled to to turn their weapons against the defenders of their homeland. Never has the 19th century witnessed a greater outrage to the rights of nations, to humanity, to civilization!

In the Fifth Section, the Ombucito farm, there is a monolith that evokes the Battle of Yatay. This site was declared a Historic Site on February 4, 1942, by Law 12665, as stated in “Monuments and Historic Places” by Hernán Gómez. There a stream meanders, through bushes and grasslands, which empties into the Uruguay River. This landscape is adorned with elegant Yatay palm trees (Yatay means Palm Tree in Guaraní). They gave their name to the stream and the place. The toponym gave the name to the battle.

Source

Efemérides – Patricios de Vuelta de Obligado
O’Leary, Juan E. – El Mariscal Solano López – Asunción (1970).
Portal www.revisionistas.com.ar
Rosa, José María – La Guerra del Paraguay y las Montoneras Argentinas – Buenos Aires (1985).
Turone, Gabriel O. – La Batalla de Yatay – (2007)

Source: www.revisionistas.com.ar

Malvinas: The First Air Combat of the AAF 6th Fighter Group

First Duel of the G6C

By Federico Funes

May, the 1st
On Saturday, May 1, the weather report indicated rain and low ceilings at the Southern Air Force (FAS) deployment airfields in Patagonia, which would make the operation of our aviation difficult. However, there would be no alternative since Great Britain had kicked off in the early hours of the morning, with the start of Operation Black Buck.
The Chief of the RAF Strategic Air Command, Marshall Bentham, had implemented this operation, in which two Vulcan bombers from 44 Squadron (registrations XM 598 and XM 607) took off from Wideawake Airport, Ascension Island. After a long navigation including several resupply stations, they arrived at Puerto Argentino at 04:40, dropping twenty-one thousand-pound bombs on the Malvinas BAM. The result of the attack was ambiguous, but it made clear what the British position would be in the conflict, reaffirming the determination they had expressed just a few days before with the capture of Georgia. Reconquer control of the islands quickly and definitively.
The FAS Command, upon receiving the report of the attack, appreciated that there would be new air raids on ground targets in the Malvinas, tending to reduce the detection and response capacity (radars, anti-aircraft artillery, airfields, etc.) in preparation for a amphibious assault in the vicinity of the main strategic objective of the islands, Puerto Argentino.
The presence of the Task Force was also known, which included two aircraft carriers along with a group of escort destroyers, as well as a number of transport and amphibious assault ships. The position of this force had been constantly monitored through distant aeromaritime reconnaissance and exploration sorties, carried out by Air Force Boeing 707s. It was known that they were close to the archipelago and that they would have a leading role in the actions of the day to come. However, it was to be expected that these ships, and in particular the aircraft carriers, would be located far enough to the east to be outside the range of action of the Argentine attack aviation based on the continent. Based on this analysis, it was decided to launch interceptor fighter sorties, with the intention of gaining local air superiority and frustrating the actions of the British embarked aviation.

This was the strategic framework in which the crews and technical personnel operated on May 1st. At the Río Gallegos, Río Grande and San Julián airfields, the interceptor squadrons were in different degrees of readiness waiting for the departure order.
Thus the pilots endured the "taming" inside the cockpits of the Dagger and M-III, mitigating the prolonged early warning shifts based on reading comic magazines, which were thrown outside when the start-up was requested. Just the night before, April 30, the men of Hunting Group 6 had been celebrating the birthdays of the members of the Squadron deployed in San Julián. On that occasion they began to receive signs of what was coming in the coming days and the excitement and celebration turned to uncertainty and nervousness.

Now everything would change, night still reigned in the south and a compact, dark layer of clouds covered the sky with its mantle just ninety meters from the ground; The occasional drizzle and fog reduced the already poor visibility, enveloping everything in a gloomy and ghostly halo.
At five thirty in the morning, two pilots woke up to the reality of a task to complete. On the night of the 30th, Captain Moreno and Lieutenant Volponi had been instructed to carry out a hunting cover mission for a Naval Aviation Neptune, which would go out to try to locate the Task Force. They were to take off from Rio Grande at 06:30, still at night and forty minutes after the ASW Neptune took off, and then meet up with it near the islands.
When they arrived at the pilot's room they found the disturbing news: Malvinas was being attacked, the Navy plane was not leaving and they had to remain on alert because a departure order could arrive at any moment. A saturated and nervous, but at the same time controlled and professional, atmosphere enveloped everyone present, they waited for their turn to hit back, the day took a while to become present, increasing impatience.



07:30 hours. The first fragmentary order arrives; Takeoff at 07:45; The mission: air coverage over the islands. From that time on, and despite the bad weather, the FAS launched 21 more interception sorties; Mirage III, Dagger and even with Skyhawk A-4C.

Two Daggers rolled slowly to the head and stood at the threshold; from the control tower they were barely perceptible to the keeper's eyes due to the faint reddish flickering of the position lighthouse; the drizzle continued. Both machines were configured on the edge of the maximum takeoff weight, three additional tanks, two Shafrir air-to-air missiles and a full load of ammunition for the 30-millimeter DEFA guns. In the cabins the "Talo" and the "Volpi", enclosed under the domes, thus isolated from the icy wind outside, immersed in the dim light radiated by the dashboard indicators, prepared for takeoff. In front, the low intensity lights marked the path towards the sky on both sides.

Check the clock, 07:44. After the last checks of the procedural checklist, the turbines accelerated with their characteristic increasing howl, the number 1 leaned forward due to the thrust contained by the brakes, releasing them began the takeoff run; The bluish jet in the nozzle resulting from afterburner was the indication that number 2 had to confirm the takeoff, then the hoarse voice, deformed by the oxygen mask, indicated - "The one in the air."
"Red! Amber! Tachymeter pendulum!" - He mentally reviewed the afterburner ignition control procedure. Number two ran along the track until he felt that the commando responded docilely by releasing the wheels to the ground, just two hundred meters before the end of the track. "Two in the air" and like one the blue flare of the nozzle was immediately engulfed by the clouds and lost sight of, although the roar persisted floating in the wind for a few more seconds, it was 07:45.
Ascending to the pre-established cruise level, piercing the cloud layer, as they emerged dragging the shreds of cloud in the trails, they emerged into a beautiful, starry sky at 22,000 feet above sea level.



Forty minutes later they contacted the controller of the CIC (Information and Control Center) Malvinas, when they were about fifty miles from Puerto Argentino. The operator informed them that at that precise moment they were attacking the airport and that a Harrier engulfed in flames was falling near the port. A nervous smile escaped under the oxygen masks of both pilots who in unison shouted: Long live the Homeland!



The hubbub was instantly stopped when the controller confirmed they had "two chicks" that were 120 miles away (two Sea Harriers from HMS Invincible manned by LtCdr RN Robin Kent and Lt Brian Haigh). Moreno ordered Volponi, who was forming to his left 500 meters away, to maintain heading 020° -at full dry gas- (full power without post combustion).

Locked in the small trailer covered with peat and masking nets, the controller was a spectator of the unfolding drama, on the screen he could see them, two echoes, just two points marked momentarily by the sweep of the antenna, on the other side of the quadrant the "Bulls" fulfilling the instructions to the letter.

Minutes later the controller's voice declared -030°, the chicks are 30 miles away from each other- and when Moreno asked what this meant and the dizzying nature of the situation, the controller hurried to answer in pure Creole -De face kid, they are facing-
Nerves, if these Sea Harriers already have the Sidewinder 9L they can shoot them head on, and they can't shoot the Shafrir; Moreno asked the controller to guide him to get on his side so he could look for their tail.
-Now you have them at 9 miles, straight ahead and one mile on the right side! - Moreno ordered the wing tanks to be ejected, conserving only the ventral one, which still had "juice" left; The controller would ask them for fuel at regular intervals, as the minutes available before the point of no return would be few and they feared they would forget to check.
Close to the crossing with the Sea Harriers, they ejected the ventral tanks and turned, applying afterburner; The Daggers were at 22,000 feet and the Sea Harriers were 4,000 feet below.
At 08:20 a.m. they began to move in circles seeking eye contact, two pairs of eyes scanning the sky with growing anxiety, while asking the controller for confirmation.
-The four of them were in circles together but I can't tell them apart- They were close, very close; Volponi saw a missile that passed between both planes.
The game of cat and mouse continued like this, for approximately two minutes that to the racing minds of the pilots seemed like an eternity. During that time they were in an advantageous position for a few seconds but without being able to see them, then they had them behind them; The Sea Harriers changed attitude and position with incredible rapidity.
When they reached the minimum fuel (2450 liters) Captain Moreno ordered to always ascend with post-combustion and begin the return; The controller confirmed that the Sea Harriers were also moving away.
They were 5 miles from Puerto Argentino, so they immediately began to calculate the consumption for the return, fortunately there was no headwind so they would arrive, although with a tight margin.
Once in contact with the continent's radar, it confirmed that the weather was still marginal, with a ceiling of one hundred meters and visibility reduced to 2 kilometers, but by making an ILS approach they could land without further risk.
The radar guided them into the localizer beam and the Daggers entered the glide slope, with 5 miles separating them.
09:45 a.m. Landing at AFB Río Grande without incident.

The second section of Dagger that took off was the one composed of Captain Mir Gonzalez and Lieutenant Bernhardt (who would be shot down over the islands on May 24), with the callsign "Cyclone". Like the previous outing, they linked up with the CIC Malvinas, which guided them to the target, a section of Harriers that were converging towards them and when they made contact with the Daggers, they began a downward spiral maneuver to fight at a low level and inciting the Daggers. to follow them, then, placing the nozzles at a negative angle, they braked abruptly so that the pursuers would pass them, the roles would be reversed and they would become the pursued.
The section, upon noticing the maneuver, threatened to follow them but rose again, this was enough for the Harriers to make the break, refusing to fight at altitude.
Upon reaching the limit of autonomy, the Ciclón returned without incident.



The third section was made up of Major Martínez and First Lieutenant Luna, callsign "Limón". Also under the guidance of the Malvinas radar, they made three crossings with the Harriers; they remained low while the Daggers stalked high up. This occasion allows us to speculate that perhaps at first not all Harriers had the AIM-9L Sidewinder, since as seen they refused to fight, or as was seen in the case of the Toro section, they missed a missile.

The fourth hunting trip belonged to the "Fierro" section, led by Captain Raúl A. Díaz, Squadron Operations Officer who, as such, had placed himself first on the list of available crews. When he was at the headland ready for takeoff, his flight aborted due to failures in his device. A single Fierro rose to fulfill his duty.
In the book The Air Battle of Our Malvinas Islands by Commodore F.P. Matassi, Captain Díaz relates:

"Near the islands I made contact with the Information and Control Center (CIC) of Puerto Argentino, who directed me to a raider 60 nautical miles east of the islands."

"I armed the missile and gun panel, turned to the ordered intercept course (090 Degrees) and automatically followed the CIC indications. It informed me that the raider was about 6,000 feet below; the radar controller was still indicating the course of interception and distance... We were approaching head on. When a distance of 12 miles separated us, the raider descended sharply enough for our radar to completely miss it."

"This encouraged me to think that the opponent did not want to engage in aerial combat."

"The operator had me set a course west to return over the islands, from which he was taking me a few miles to the east."

"There was a layer of clouds that made it difficult to see enemy ships. At one point the controller reported that I was flying over a naval echo that could be a missile frigate, suggesting that I be extremely vigilant in the face of the possibility of being attacked with missiles. surface-air; that did not happen."

"When I was again over the islands which I could see through a hole in the clouds (I saw the San Carlos Channel and the Darwin area) the operator informed me of an air attack that the enemy was carrying out - with the Sea Harriers. - about Puerto Argentino."

"I asked him if he was directing me there, and he responded negatively because the raiders were within the sector of our anti-aircraft defense."

"Then he alerted me to the presence of an echo that was heading towards me, from the Southeast at high speed and gaining height. It was detected when it was 18 miles away, I turned towards the South to adopt a collision course and maintained a altitude of 26,000 feet, accelerating to 450 knots, I dedicated myself to observing the instruments for the last time before the crossing and with apprehension I discovered that I had no more than 5 minutes of fuel left to reach the minimum level required for the long return."

"When they separated us (with the raiders) by about 8 miles and being about 3,000 feet higher than him, he decided to abandon the entry into combat, probably because he did not have an advantageous position; the truth is that he descended quickly until our radar lost its echo."

"I made an effort to try to visualize it, without losing my advantageous height, but I couldn't. At this point I heard the controller's voice asking me how much longer I could stay over the islands, answering that the time had come to return due to lack of fuel. "

"He wished me good luck and gave me the direction home; I ascended to the optimal level for the return and conceived, during the long return, this mistaken idea: the English avoid aerial combat."

"A few days later I would suffer the experience of being shot down, along with my entire squadron, by two Sea Harrier planes, when I was about to attack the Puerto San Carlos beachhead."

The Rubio section, composed of Captain Rhode and First Lieutenant Ardiles, was to take off from Río Grande on a patrol mission over the islands; The section chief could not do so due to failures in his aircraft, and since there was no reserve plane, he had to stay on the ground, watching as the wake of the "Pepe" Ardiles' nozzle was lost in the clouds.
Alone, across 700 kilometers of raging South Atlantic, perhaps to go into combat, perhaps to be damaged or suffer the imponderable of a failure, alone.
At 4:30 p.m. he was arriving at the archipelago, when he sighted two ships in the Choiseul Sound that were entering it to approach Goose Green, the location of the AFB Cóndor, the seat of the Pucará.
Although his plane was configured with air-to-air missiles, he launched himself at the ships and opened fire with his cannons in two passes; This was observed by AFB Cóndor personnel. Without responding to the attack, both ships withdrew into the open sea.
Around 16:40 he linked up with the CIC Malvinas, requesting an aerial target while gaining altitude again. The radar operator vectored him toward an echo; Ardiles confirmed -In sight- at that moment the echo split into two (both planes were formed very close to each other, so the reflection on the radar showed a single echo instead of two).
The Harrier section (comprising Flt Lt T. Penfold (RAF) and Lt Cdr M. Hale (RN)) was at 20,000 feet with Ardiles' Dagger 13,000 feet above and 5 miles away, when an air-to-air missile -air was fired by the Argentine plane. The missile was aimed at Hale's plane and he evaded it by maneuvering and launching countermeasures, immediately descending to a level of 5,000 feet.



At 16:41 Penfold had pulled up behind Ardiles' plane, at a distance of three miles; he fired an AIM-9L which hit the Dagger. The fighter exploded without any ejection being seen.

Silence... Ardiles was called on all frequencies that day, no response.
The remains of the plane fell in flames on the island of Bouganville, and the helicopters flew over this place several times in search of Pepe but without result.
First Lieutenant José Leonidas Ardiles was the first G6C pilot to spread the archipelago with his blood.

Overwhelmed by the constant signs of ships attempting helidembarkations near Puerto Argentino, and faced with a direct request from the Military Garrison, the FAS decided to relegate the attempt to gain air superiority (this decision is influenced by the meager results of the numerous hunting sorties). of that day) and proceed to carry out attack operations on naval targets. 11 fighter-bombers (A-4B/C and Dagger) and 6 light bombers (Canberra Mk-62) left to comply with the imposed order.

The "Tornos" 
They had been on alert all morning, sitting in the cabins waiting for the departure order, they even took off and then had to return due to the arrival of a Fragmentary Order.
The Chief called the three pilots who were on alert to plan a navigation at altitude with a subsequent leg (navigation section) at ground level. The squadron was made up of Captain Dimeglio, First Lieutenant Román and Lieutenant Aguirre Faget. The callsign would be Torno.



The objective was north of Puerto Argentino and about fifteen miles from the coast. Leaning over the navigation chart, the three pilots plotted the navigation course, which would take them to a fixed geographical point (navigation was visual) from which they would descend at low altitude to complete the final stretch towards the target.
The three men dressed in their orange survival flight jackets approached the planes, which had already been reconfigured with two 250-kilogram MK-82 BRP (Parachute Delayed Bomb) bombs. They took off and climbed to cruising altitude in a fluid (open) formation. The cloud cover gave a glimpse of the dark sea sliding beneath.
A glance at the clock, it's time for descent; After drilling the layer they had a visual with the geographical point. They continued leveling a few meters from the water and closed the formation, both numbers side by side of the leader. They skirted Gran Malvina Island to the north and then Soledad.
Four minutes to the target, First Lieutenant Román spotted a helicopter to the left, immediately notifying the leader - We continue towards the objective! - was his order.
A shape emerging from the water emerged in front, and with a gentle stroke of the lever they focused their firing sights on it, beginning the attack; They approached at high speed ready to open fire with their cannons when they realized that it was a rock.
They changed course and continued along the coastline. According to the navigation calculation, they had arrived at the target area but they did not see anything, they decided to continue towards Puerto Argentino.
Someone was shooting on the coast and in front of the Daggers there were explosions that looked like fireworks. Suddenly three ships appeared, close to Puerto Argentino and were bombing it mercilessly.

The radio silence was broken by the voice of the squad leader who indicated

-One to the one in the center, two to the one on the left and three to the one on the right!-

The sea was calm and dark gray, the clouds barely 300 meters above covered the sky in a compact mass. Each plane centered its nose on the designated target and approached it as level as it could with the turbines at full power, while the hands groped the weapons panel, arming the cannons and bombs. It was 16:16, the three Daggers attacked from north to south. In front of them three targets appeared, one larger than the other two, towards which the Squad Leader headed.



Piques in the water in front, white fountains of water that emerged as a result of the fire from the leader's cannons, but which caused surprise in his numbers who believed they were attacked by the ships. The leader unloaded his cannons and released his bombs at no more than 180 meters high, passing at high speed over the Destroyer, number two rose to enter at an angle for cannon shooting and was received with heavy fire from the weapons. anti-aircraft fire of the ship and then also launched its bombs, number three did not use its cannons, believing that they could be ships of the Argentine Navy, but then, in the face of the evidence of the large response fire, it discharged its bombs.

-The one coming out!-
-Turn two coming out!-
-Turn three coming out!-
-Good!!!-

Joy and frenzy in the frequency, after just a few seconds that were eternal in the minds of each pilot and surely also in those of the crew of those ships who were suddenly overwhelmed by the fury of the attack.
Immediately the raiders made their escape by piercing the cloud layer in search of height, thus losing sight of themselves, undertaking the return individually but being certain that somewhere beyond the cloud cover, their companions followed them on the return. to home.
On the islands, witnesses who observed the attack confirmed the impact of Captain Dimeglio's bombs on the destroyer, which was immediately enveloped in smoke. The ships turned and headed southeast.

The feeling of loneliness that flying between clouds gives was increased when the controller's voice gave the alarm so feared in those circumstances -The turnstiles have bandits on their tail!-
-The winches are submerged in the water!- The squad leader's response.
At that moment, the 1st Ten Roman reported seeing two Harriers diving downward, when in reality they were his companions, but he ignored it.
When they finally came out of the clouds they found themselves flying over a valley surrounded by mountains which they did not hit only by the will of God, since they had no way of knowing where they were going and the visibility until that moment had been zero. Meanwhile the Harriers continued their pursuit.



The Fortín section (Captain Donadille and First Lieutenant Senn) who were on patrol with their Daggers armed with Shafrir missiles received the order from the CIC Malvinas to go to the aid of the Tornos by placing themselves between them and the interceptors. Having received the vector, both ejected tanks and attacked at full power, the Harriers began their escape.
Upon returning to San Julián they were received by an overflowing crowd, the pilots merged in an excited hug, a moment that will be recorded with indelible precision in the retinas of those who witnessed it.

Thus the formations returned in what was the last combat sortie of the 6th Fighter Group on May 1, 1982. Due to the characteristics of this attack, the pilots could not have precise confirmation of the damage caused. However, it was determined that the three attacked ships correspond, according to the description of numerous witnesses, to two Type 21 Frigates and a Type 42 Destroyer.
Regarding this, numerous disagreements have arisen about which ships were attacked, the Argentine Air Force maintains that the Destroyer would have been the HMS Exeter, while the British affirm that it was the HMS Glamorgan. The Type 21 Frigates have been identified as HMS Alacrity and HMS Arrow. Another theory (perhaps the most controversial on this topic) is the one that concludes that the destroyer attacked by the Daggers on May 1 is the HMS Sheffield, which sank while she was being towed to the Georgia Islands.

Beyond this there is no doubt that the blow was forceful enough to persuade the fleet to withdraw to a safe distance. This was confirmed between 16:20 and 16:30 by the then Chief of the Río Gallegos Mobile Radar, Vicecomodoro C. Velazco, who captured a radio message, apparently from the "Flag Ship" (flagship of the fleet). , which ordered the withdrawal due to an unexpected tactical situation.

The 6th Fighter Group, operating from the continental bases of San Julián and Río Grande, with marginal weather conditions and at the limit of its autonomy, executed thirteen combat sorties, the majority being Combat Air Patrols, with the exception of the three corresponding ones. to the Torno squadron who carried out an anti-ship mission. As a testimony of the commitment to "Defend the flag with honor and patriotism and follow it until losing one's life" remains the sacrifice of First Lieutenant Ardiles.




1982 / 2003 

Hangar Digital

Antarctica: Icebreaker "General San Martin" blocked by ice

Icebreaker "General San Martin" in Antarctica, blocked by a compact mass of ice. 1969/70 campaign
General Archive of the Nation Photographic Doc. Department. Buenos Aires. Argentina

Antiterrorist War: Courageous Conscripts in Formosa

1975, Formosa: When "El Negro" Luna and his little soldiers defeated Montoneros
Soldier Luna's sister, Jovina, managed to get the State to open its files to find out if the guerrillas who killed Hermindo received compensation. What was the attack called “Operation Scoop” like?
By Ceferino Reato - Infobae




Soldier Hermindo Luna (left of the photo) with two companions

Hermindo Luna is considered the hero of the resistance with glory of the 21-year-old Formosa soldiers who on October 5, 1975, in the midst of the constitutional government of President Isabel Perón, rejected the attempt to take over an Army barracks by Montoneros, one of the two most powerful guerrilla groups of the seventies.

Now, Jovina Luna, one of his sisters, has just gotten the government to open all its files and indicate the names of those who have been compensated as Victims of State Terrorism, political prisoners and exiles. A historic decision, as Infobae anticipated. A request that was systematically denied by Kirchnerism with the argument that this data had to be protected.


The attack left 24 casualties: 12 guerrillas and 12 defenders of the barracks (10 conscripts, a second lieutenant and a sergeant)

The scene seems straight out of a movie: "El Negro" Luna, a Creole born in the countryside of Formosa, was sitting in an armchair with his rifle on his legs; He had the mission of guarding the bedroom where his classmates were taking a nap that hot Sunday.

They were all in custody; that is, in reserve, ready to act in an unforeseen event, for example if the guerrillas decided to attack them, something unlikely because they were fulfilling their mandatory military service in the forgotten periphery of the country, in a barracks in the suburbs of the capital of the province.


Drafted Hermindo Luna

However, at four thirty in the afternoon Luna saw that two young men like him, dressed in blue, also armed with FAL, entered kicking the gate and shouted at him: "Surrender, give me the weapon, the thing is not with you." ". That was when Luna uttered a phrase destined to last: "Nobody gives up here, shit!" He jumped to the side and prepared his rifle. He didn't manage to use it: some FAL shots split him in two. His gesture, however, served to alert the rest of his companions, who woke up from the sound of those gunshots and were able to flee to the back of the block, where the bathrooms and showers were.

“No one gives up here, shit!” Luna managed to shout before being fatally wounded by a FAL shot.

Luna was left lying on the ground, his body cut in two, his viscera draining through the bullet holes. He died little by little, screaming in pain to be killed once and for all. Surely, he had time to think about his parents, those poor peasants from Las Lomitas, who were "Peronists of Perón and Evita," as his conscript son said.

All this occurred during the so-called "Operation Primicia" [Primicia means Scoop in English], the most spectacular attack by the guerrilla of Peronist origin and the baptism of fire of the Montonero Army.

It was the first attack by Montoneros on an Army barracks, whose head was already General Jorge Rafael Videla. There were, in total, twenty-eight deaths, which is why the operation caused a nationwide commotion.



About seventy guerrillas participated directly in "Operation Primicia" in five stages, some of which were simultaneous:

• Hijacking of Aerolíneas Argentinas Flight 706, with one hundred and two passengers and six crew members, which was headed from Buenos Aires Airport to Corrientes but was diverted to Formosa, 1,190 kilometers from Buenos Aires.
• Taking over the "El Pucú" international airport, at the entrance to the capital of Formosa. There was a police officer, Argentino Alegre, wounded and finished off on the ground, unarmed, by a guerrilla.
• Attack on the 29th Monte Infantry Regiment, the second in firepower in the entire country. The Montoneros were convinced that the soldiers were going to surrender easily. They were wrong: in just half an hour of combat, there were twenty-four casualties, twelve guerrillas and twelve defenders of the barracks (ten conscripts or "colimbas", a 21-year-old second lieutenant and a 31-year-old sergeant). The soldier who opened the doors of the barracks, Roberto Mayol, a man from Santa Fe who was studying law and was a "second officer" of Montoneros, also died.
• Escape of the guerrillas who survived the attack in the very modern Boeing 737-200 of Aerolíneas and in a four-seater Cessna 182 that served to confuse the pursuers in the air.
• Landing of the Airlines plane 700 kilometers from Formosa, on a runway prepared for the occasion in a ranch near Rafaela, the "Pearl of the West" of Santa Fe. The Cessna landed in a rice field on the outskirts of Corrientes.
  

The Aerolíneas Argentinas aircraft that the guerrillas hijacked

"Operación Primicia" (Scoop) was designed and directed by the "senior officer" Raúl Yaguer, better known as "El Gringo", "Roque" or "Mario", a methodical and caustic chemical engineer from Santa Fe who was number four in the national leadership of Montoneros. The first three in the hierarchy, Mario Firmenich, Roberto Perdía and Roberto Quieto, approved the takeover.

After the attack, Army patrols left the barracks and killed three neighbors—among them a 15-year-old high school student—who had nothing to do with the guerrilla.

One of the political consequences of "Operation Primicia" was that Videla and the head of the Navy, Admiral Emilio Massera, set March 24, 1976 as the date of the coup that they had been organizing for three months. I explain all this in my book "Operación Primicia", whose first edition was published in 2010.


The dead soldiers were all Peronists; almost all came from the interior of Formosa

Furthermore, the day after the attack, the Peronist government signed three memorable decrees that delegated the fight against the guerrillas to the Armed Forces. From that moment on, the disappearances began.

Over time, the relatives of the dead guerrillas were compensated as if they had been Victims of State Terrorism with the equivalent of one hundred times the highest salary of the national public administration, about 5 million pesos today.


The mother of Marcelino Torales, one of the conscripts killed

At the time of publication of my book, the relatives of eight of the twelve dead guerrillas had received payment. Two other compensation payments were pending. At that time, I tried to interview the sister of Mayol, the soldier/guerrilla who is considered a traitor by the soldiers and military, and a hero by the former guerrillas and their sympathizers. She did not want to be interviewed for the book, but she told me, informally, that, although they had the best of memories of her brother, her family did not plan to ever collect that compensation.

Meanwhile, the parents of the dead colimbas receive a very low pension, which in 2010 was 842 pesos per month. That year, compensation for Victims of State Terrorism amounted to 620,919 pesos.


Boero and Briggiler died in the attack on the barracks, but they appear in the Monument to the Victims of State Terrorism, on the Buenos Aires Coast

There was not only gold but also bronze for the attackers: the dead guerrillas are remembered as heroes and martyrs in their towns and cities, and appear in the Monument to the Victims of State Terrorism located on the Buenos Aires waterfront.

The dead conscripts were part of an unfortunate group made up of the "Sunday afternoon soldiers", that is, the poorest, who did not have money to visit their families in the interior of the province and used to exchange their francs for a small sum of money, like Luna, and the most generous, like Edmundo Sosa, a fatherless boy who, first, postponed his discharge so that a companion who was poorer than him and had two children to feed could come in his place, and Then, that Sunday, October 5, he had given his franc to another colleague so that he could go to Clorinda to earn a few pesos hauling bags of smuggled flour to Paraguay.

A simple calculation indicated that Sosa's mother, for example, should have collected that pension of 842 pesos every month for 61 and a half years of her life to reach the sum already received by the relatives of each of the guerrillas. And without inflation.



With the exception of Formosa, national-level soldiers typically do not receive tributes or recognition anywhere else. However, there is a possibility that their relatives may soon be eligible for compensation equivalent to what the families of deceased guerrillas have already received. The Defense Commission of the Chamber of Deputies is currently reviewing two bills. One has been proposed by Martín Hernández, a Formoseño deputy from the radical party, while the other is presented by Carlos Kunkel, a Kirchnerist deputy with a past affiliation to the "Montonero Army." Kunkel is now seeking to somehow rectify what he calls "the mistakes we made."

Three years ago, Ricardo Buryaile, another radical representative from Formosa who is currently the Minister of Agriculture, introduced a bill aimed at equalizing subsidies. However, despite numerous discussions, the project was not approved due to opposition from Kirchnerist deputies associated with La Cámpora and various human rights organizations.

Surviving soldiers, many of whom remain in precarious financial situations, have requested a subsidy, but both the Army and the national government have denied their request. Meanwhile, Federal Judge Claudio Bonadio is conducting an investigation to determine whether any wrongdoing occurred in the payment of compensation to the families of deceased guerrillas.


The Formosian little soldiers resist to be forgotten and keep making noise.

*Excecutive editor of Fortuna magazine and  author of Operación Primicia.

1955 Revolution: The Last Arrangements

The Last Preparations


With the peace of mind that the day before Susana and Andrés Lonardi had left for Córdoba in the company of Ricardo Quesada, the general and his wife got up early and after cleaning, prepared the two suitcases that they planned to take on the trip.

General Eduardo Lonardi

At mid-morning they had breakfast and around noon the Lonardis went for a walk around the area, ending the tour at the comfortable Ballardino restaurant on Charcas Street where they had lunch.
Meanwhile, within the apartment, Luis Ernesto proceeded with utmost caution as he gently lowered the luggage, securing it within the trunk of his father's car, which was conveniently parked in the building's garage. Following the prearranged schedule, he set out at 3:00 p.m. to his sister Marta's residence in the Belgrano neighborhood, from where he intended to depart in his own vehicle to collect his parents from Libertad and Guido. However, fate intervened, and a few blocks into his journey, he suffered a tire puncture, rendering his car immobile.

Marta promptly rushed back to her home to report the unexpected issue and subsequently hailed a taxi, while her brother hastily made his way to the location where the car had been left to replace the damaged tire.

Eventually, Marta retrieved her parents from the designated meeting point and returned after 4:00 p.m. There was no time for prolonged farewells; Luis Ernesto, together with his parents, boarded his sister's vehicle, embarking on a rapid journey towards Plaza Once, accompanied by Deheza. During the trip, Lonardi seized the opportunity to recount his recent activities and offer a comprehensive overview of the prevailing situation. He had recently concluded a final meeting with Colonel Señorans at Dr. Cornejo Saravia's dental clinic. His subordinate had once again requested an extension of the deadline to commence operations, emphasizing the critical need for coordinated actions along the coastlines, for which time was running short. In response to inquiries from his son and son-in-law regarding his decision, the general stated that he had unequivocally denied the request, citing that orders had already been issued. Additionally, he mentioned Señorans' proposal for him to accompany them to Córdoba, where he intended to personally inform General Aramburu about the unfolding revolution. Señorans sought authorization for this mission, and he expressed his willingness to follow through, provided Lonardi approved. The leader of the uprising concurred, concluding by saying:

-Colonel Señorans, if he achieves that, he will deserve the good of the Fatherland.

As Lonardi elucidated, that conversation had left him profoundly content, as he was well aware that his conversational partner was a proficient, dynamic, and resolute senior officer.

Their arrival at Plaza Once bus terminal transpired at 4:30 p.m., where they promptly initiated the process of inspecting their luggage. It was at this juncture that General Lonardi realized he had only $14 to his name. In response, his son-in-law graciously offered to provide him with additional funds.

"Thank you very much, José Alberto," expressed the general appreciatively, "These $14 should suffice for my journey. If the revolution should falter, I shall have no need for money, and should it prevail, I shan't require it for my return."

At 4:50 p.m., with a mere ten minutes remaining before departure, Major Guevara arrived, alleviating the unease sparked by his earlier absence. In his company, he bore both favorable and unfavorable tidings, prompting his superior to request the unfavorable news first.

1. The Military College did not agree to the uprising and the involvement of the 1st Infantry Regiment was doubtful. For this reason, General Uranga requested permission to go to the Río Santiago Naval Base to support the Naval Military Academy with the elements he could gather.
2. Lieutenant Colonel Arribau was heading to Curuzú Cuatiá to run operations.
3. General Lagos prepared to march to Cuyo for the same purpose and left that same night.
4. General Bengoa insisted that his escape would nullify the surprise factor and for that reason, he proposed staying in the capitol city to collaborate with the movement and provide all his support from there.
   

Lonardi remained resolute in his insistence that General Uranga should push forward towards Rosario, but in the event that this was not possible, he granted him full autonomy to act according to his own judgment.

As the bus departure announcement resounded through the station's speakers, the Lonardi family prepared to bid their farewells. The venerable general embraced his son-in-law warmly, and after a similar embrace with his subordinate, he addressed her:

"I'm relying on you, Guevara, and I'll be waiting for you in Córdoba."

Luis Ernesto and his mother followed suit, and soon afterward, they boarded the bus, with the lady taking the lead. However, before they parted ways, there was one last exchange of words.

"Guevara," the general called from the bus's step, "we'll need a password."
"I've already thought of one, general. How about 'God is Just'?"
"It strikes me as the most suitable," Lonardi concurred, lightly patting the older man's shoulder. He then climbed the three steps and proceeded down the aisle towards the rear seats.

Lonardi and his wife stood further back, as the senior officer wished to avoid inconveniencing fellow passengers with his tobacco smoke. Meanwhile, their son settled into a front seat. With everyone aboard and tickets in hand, the bus closed its doors and commenced its journey towards the province of Córdoba.

September, the 14th, 5 p.m. Bus from Buenos Aires to Córdoba

While the bus moved slowly through the crowded streets of Buenos Aires, Lieutenant Colonel Sánchez Lahoz headed to Corrientes to revolt its garrisons and in Curuzú Cuatiá, Major Montiel Forzano, took the final decisions along with several officers, assisted by Colonel Arias Duval and Lieutenant Colonel Arribau. They had to wait for the arrival of General Armaburu and Colonel Señorans to lead their forces.
With the same purpose, General Lagos traveled to Cuyo despite the fact that there was no news of what was happening there because Eduardo Lonardi (h) had not yet returned.
Only one thing worried the leader of the uprising, the lack of support from the Military College in Buenos Aires and consequently, the non-participation of the 1st Infantry Regiment that was supposed to annul Rosario's forces. There were vague references to the rest of the military units and everything indicated that the situation was extremely precarious. Still, he was determined to keep going until he won or died.
Immediately after the bus left the station, Colonel Señorans contacted General Aramburu to meet him at a certain point in the city in order to “communicate something to him.” They met at 10:00 p.m., at the Petit Café on Av. Santa Fe and Callao, and sat at a table far from the windows to talk more calmly.
Once face to face, after ordering a couple of coffees, Señorans looked at his superior and informed her that the revolution was underway and that at that moment General Lonardi was traveling to Córdoba to begin the actions.

-My general, I come in compliance with an order from General Lonardi to convey to you that the date of the revolution has been set for midnight on September 16.

-But how?!! – Aramburu exclaimed, surprised and disgusted at the same time.

Next, Señorans explained the movements that had been carried out so far, as well as the decisions and results and then detailed the operations plan that his superior listened to unchanged. When he told him that Lonardi was counting on him to direct operations on the Litoral, he responded curtly.

-I'll be there.

Happy to have the participation of his boss, Señorans informed him that the next day a liaison was going to provide them with tickets to Puerto Constanza, Entre Ríos and then they said goodbye, each one taking different directions.
At that precise moment, Lonardi and Doña Mercedes were traveling along Route 9 in the direction of Córdoba, the former immersed in deep thoughts although engaging in occasional dialogue with her wife, so as not to worry her with her silence. In the front seat, his son Luis Ernesto was trying to sleep, taking advantage of the darkness and the monotonous noise of the engine.
According to Mrs. Mercedes Villada Achaval, her husband seemed calm and optimistic despite the seriousness of his face and the long silences in which he fell.
They were traveling in the middle of the countryside, beyond Rosario, when suddenly, the bus slowed down and stopped on the side of the road.
The passenger had to descend in the cold winter night and there, under the starry sky, the Lonardis began to worry about the delay and the possibility that their luggage would be searched and the combat uniforms of the general and his son would be found inside.

-Do you think you are going to succeed? – His wife asked him.
-Don't worry... I have a lot of faith in victory.

An hour later a second bus arrived in front of the shoulder. The passengers boarded the new bus and after a few minutes, they resumed their journey, but not before exchanging a few brief words. Lonardi told his son that he was worried that the suitcases would continue to Córdoba in the broken down vehicle but they trusted everything in providence.
The general and his wife sat again in the back seats while Luis Ernesto did so further ahead, along with a beautiful and friendly young woman who began to talk to him.
The girl belonged to the UES (Secondary Student Union, a youngster Peronist organization) and she was delighted because she was traveling to the Mediterranean city to attend a great party that the entity organized on September 15 to celebrate the arrival of spring.

-"There will be a great ball," she said enthusiastically, "and possibly General Perón himself will come."
-"But that's great," Luis Ernesto responded while he thought, "You can't imagine the dance they're going to have!"

The bus arrived in Córdoba around 10:00 a.m. and half an hour later, once the luggage that arrived a little later had been removed, Mrs. Mercedes went to her brother's home while Lonardi and her son went to that of Dr. Calixto de la Torre, brother-in-law of Villada Achaval, where Colonel Ossorio Arana was waiting for them.
At that time, the supervision tour that the Minister of the Army, General Franklin Lucero, was carrying out through the units of the province was ending and that was the first thing that Lonardi was informed of. However, nothing seemed to show that the government had detected anything and that increased the confidence of the leaders of the uprising.
That same night, the officers' meeting that Ossorio Arana had organized took place at De la Torre's house. On that occasion, Brigadier Landaburu and Damián were present.
Fernández Astrada, who were in charge of the revolutionary civilian commands of the region.
Lonardi insisted that these civilians had to take action after 01:00 on the 16th and Fernández Astrada reported that General Videla Balaguer was hiding in his apartment on Olmos Avenue, in the center of the city, and that at his request, Lonardi had to go there to have an interview with him. The San Juan general was unable to leave that refuge because the security forces were following him very closely, for that reason, Lonardi accepted, immediately leaving for there.

Major Juan Francisco Guevara

In the talk they both had, various topics were addressed, all of them in detail, the main one being the order that the newcomer had given, in the sense that Videla Balaguer would take charge of the civil commands to take over the main points of the city and the steps that had to be followed once the actions had begun.
At 10:00 p.m. the general was back at Calixto de la Torre's to start a new conference. On this new opportunity, Major Melitón Quijano and Captain Ramón E. Molina from the Artillery school were present; First Lieutenant Julio Fernández Torres from the Parachute School, Major Oscar Tanco from the Aeronautical Non-Commissioned Officers School, Captains Mario Efraín Arruabarrena and Juan José Claisse from the Liceo Militar and Captain Eduardo Maguerit, the only officer from the Infantry School who he had given in to the riot. Each of them presented Lonardi with a status report on the military units to which they belonged and immediately afterwards, they proceeded to adjust the action plan, which consisted of:

1. The Artillery School, the Airborne Troops School, the Aviation School, the Aeronautical Non-Commissioned Officer Candidate School and the General Paz High School would take part in the uprising.
2. The paratroopers would take over the Airborne Troops School and once it was taken over, they would post pickets on the access routes to the provincial capital to stop anyone who tried to pass.
3. The Military Aviation and Aeronautical Non-Commissioned Officers schools would revolt.
4. Captain Molina should take over the Artillery School and grant access to General Lonardi and his companions to immediately arrest the director of the establishment. Once that objective was achieved, the troops would be ready and the pieces and artillery would be turned towards the Infantry School.
5. The Aspirant School would take over the I.A.M.E.
6. Captain Maguerti and Second Lieutenant Gómez Pueyrredón, from the Infantry School, would proceed to open its doors to the paratroopers and leave officers from the Military School at the School of Airborne Troops to be in charge of its custody.

Those present expressed their agreement and only Captain Molina made an observation, requesting that the arrest of the director of the Artillery School be carried out together with General Lonardi, a request that the head of the revolution accepted without hesitation.
As at that time of year a good part of the Artillery officers were on maneuvers in Pampa de Olaén, 110 kilometers from Córdoba, Lonardi approved postponing the uprising for just one hour, and insisted on trying to convince Colonel Brizuela, chief of the Infantry School, so that they would join the uprising and thus avoid useless bloodshed1. Immediately afterwards, he harangued those present and concluded by saying in a firm voice:

-Gentlemen, we must proceed, to ensure initial success, with maximum brutality!

Lonardi hugged each and every one of those present and that was a moment of great significance that was forever engraved in everyone's spirit.
The meeting ended at 01:00 on September 15, just 24 hours after the revolutionary outbreak that was going to change the course of Argentine history.
While these events were taking place in Córdoba, in the rest of the country, the main rebel units were preparing for the fight.
In Corrientes, Colonel Héctor Solanas Pacheco, unaware of General Bengoa's reticent attitude, awaited his arrival in a ranch located between Mercedes and Curuzú Cuatiá. By then, Major Pablo Molinari, head of the Gualeguay Military District, had established the first contacts aimed at providing support to Armaburu and Señorans during their transfer through the province of Entre Ríos, and other officers were waiting expectantly for the order to begin actions.
In Buenos Aires, meanwhile, Captain Palma had informed the naval commands, through his liaisons, and several sailors left towards the south divided into two groups, the first, under the command of Captain Rial, was heading to the Comandante Base. Spore to put himself in front and the other, headed by the ship captain Mario Robbio, went to Puerto Belgrano, ready to revolt the Sea Fleet.
Rial would be in charge of the Naval Aviation and for that reason, as the sun set, he gathered at his house in the town of Olivos the group of officers who would constitute his command, to adjust the last details of the operations plan. For this reason, his wife Susana Núñez Monasterio had told the maid to take it easy that day and keep the curtains and blinds of the house closed, so that nothing would leak through them.
The sailors were working on a map of routes and highways from the Argentine Automobile Club when the bell suddenly rang. Seized with great nervousness, they looked at each other in silence and sat up in alarm, ready to flee through the back of the house, when the owner of the house appeared to tell them that it was a straggling officer who had just arrived2.
In Puerto Belgrano, meanwhile, the battleships “Moreno” and “Rivadavia”, the cruisers “Almirante Brown” and “25 de Mayo”, the destroyers “Mendoza” and “Tucumán”, two BDI landing craft, three torpedo boats, auxiliary vessels without artillery, tugboats and flatboats. The cruiser “9 de Julio”, twin of the “17 de Octubre”, was undergoing repairs along with three destroyers, for that reason, its commander, captain Rafael Francos, was moving busily to speed up the work in order to have to the vessel ready to enter operations. As for the battleships, they were immobilized in port but it was planned to use their powerful artillery pieces to defend the base.
Regarding the non-commissioned officer personnel, mostly supporters of the government, it was decided to send them to Bahía Blanca with different commissions, in order to keep them away when the fighting broke out.
At the nearby Comandante Espora Base, meanwhile, all personnel were ready to go into action, hence the hasty return of frigate captain Edgardo S. Andrew, at that time subject to the authority of the military courts, to take charge. of its functions.

Cap. Jorge E- Perren

Naval Aviation was organized under the command of Lieutenant Commander Beaubeau de Secondignè, of the Aviation School, with Captain Hugo Simón Radl in charge of air transport, Lieutenant Commander Justiniano Martínez Achaval, the patrol boats; Captain Eduardo Estivariz the observation squadrons; Lieutenant Pedro Calvo Paz the defense (he would rely on the Marine Corps for this) and Captain Meteorologist Guillermo Mackinlay, the prisoners, all of them under the direction of Captain Jorge E. Perren, second commander of the Puerto Belgrano Naval Base.
At 09:00 a meeting took place on the road leading to Comandante Espora between captains Perren and Andrews. The naval officers moved at low speed along the route to Bahía Blanca, in the first's car, while they verbally addressed everything related to the weapons and ammunition of the planes, the occupation of the city by the Marines, the assignment of tasks for each officer, the surveillance of the nearby 5th Infantry Regiment, the taking of prisoners, the blowing up of roads, bridges and railways, the cutting of communications cables, the distribution of pamphlets, the alerts, the radiation of messages and other major issues.
Another meeting of the same characteristics took place between Andrew and a group of officers at 10:00 p.m. while in Buenos Aires the civil commands were actively working on assigning tasks and roles.
Florencio Arnaudo, together with Carlos Burundarena and Raúl Puigbó, drew up the plans for the so-called Black Rose Operation aimed at occupying and neutralizing the radio stations while other groups were dedicated to collecting and hiding weapons and documentation, one of them the marriage of Alberto V. Pechemiel and Angelita Menéndez (niece of the old rebel general), members of the civil command of the parish of the Holy Spirit, led by Captain Alberto Fernández, who turned their apartment on Coronel Díaz and Av. Libertador into a true arsenal.
Meanwhile, in front of Puerto Madryn, the bulk of the Sea Fleet was anchored with the cruiser “17 de Octubre” at the helm whose commander, ship captain Agustín P. Lariño, had announced that he was willing to fold. The rest of the units, almost all belonging to the group of destroyers commanded by Captain Raimundo Palau, remained waiting alongside smaller vessels. On the other hand, on the ground, Grumman aircraft from the Observation Squadron were waiting parked next to the runway of the Naval Air Station, under the command of Lieutenant Juan María Vassallo.

Thursday, September 15, passed with absolute normality in Río Santiago, despite the fact that the officers were aware that the revolution was going to break out that same night.
Before noon, frigate captains Jorge Palma and Carlos Sánchez Sañudo appeared at the base, who should have accompanied General Bengoa to Paraná. Captain Carlos A. Bourel, director of the Naval High School, Lieutenant Commander (RE) Andrés Troppea, General Uranga and several Army officers, among whom were Lieutenant Colonel Heriberto Kurt Benner of the Higher War School.
That day, Admiral Isaac Francisco Rojas, director of the Río Santiago Naval School, summoned the base commander, Captain Luis M. García, to his office to inform him of what was happening and inform him that at 0 hours that same day, the revolution broke out. Shortly after, he did the same with his staff, made up of Captain Abel R. Fernández, deputy director of the Naval Academy, and frigate captains Juan Carlos Bassi, head of the cadet corps, and Miguel Rondina, head of studies.

Admiral Isaac Francisco Rojas

The action plan consisted of cutting river communications from the La Plata roadstead to establish a blockade of Buenos Aires, depriving the government of its fuel supply.
The unit's firepower was supported almost exclusively by the Naval Training Force that constituted the Ríos Squadron, commanded by Captain Fernando Muro de Nadal. It was made up of the destroyers ARA “Cervantes” (D-1) and ARA “La Rioja” (D-4), the patrol boats ARA “King” (P-21) and ARA “Murature” (P-20), the BDI landing, trackers and tugboats with all their equipment, as well as the troops assigned to the defense of the base, the study centers and the shipyards, namely, officers and non-commissioned officers of the Application School, senior cadets of the Naval School and sailors armed with machine guns, pistols and rifles.
On Martín García Island, the head of the Seamanship School, frigate captain Juan Carlos González Llanos, waited expectantly, since he had known about the plot since July, when Captain Rial himself informed him. According to the operations plan, he had to transfer the troops and weapons in his charge to the Naval Academy, in Río Santiago3 and once there, put them at the disposal of Admiral Rojas to incorporate them into the fight. In that sense, on Thursday, September 15, his assistant secretary arrived on the island and confirmed that the uprising began at midnight that same night and that in view of this, he had to embark the three companies that made up the School and the Infantry Company No. 2 stationed there.

On Thursday morning, September 15, General Lonardi went to the convent of the Capuchin friars4 to hear the holy mass and take communion. That day he turned 59 years old and many things were going through his head.
Once the ceremony was over, he returned to his brother-in-law's house and once there, he met the young Eduardo Molina, husband of his niece, Ana María Villada Achaval and a revolutionary civil command who, upon seeing him enter, told him that in case he If the coup failed, he had a private plane ready to evacuate him from the city.
The general listened with a serious expression and when Molina finished speaking, he thanked him for his intention and told him that the aircraft was not necessary because the revolution was going to triumph.
The rest of the day he spent calmly, in the company of his wife and some relatives with whom he had lunch and chatted for a few moments after coffee.
The afternoon was the crucial moment. The time had come and he had to say goodbye. He did it with the height typical of a man of his category, in line with the moment in which he lived. After hugging his wife and each of those present, the general put on his jacket and his cap and immediately left followed by Colonel Ossorio Arana and his son.
They boarded the Villada Achaval car and left for the country house that Dr. Lisardo Novillo Saravia had in Argüello, a suburban neighborhood on the outskirts, northwest of Córdoba, with Luis Ernesto Lonardi at the wheel and his father next to him. Villada Achaval followed them in another vehicle carrying Dr. Lisardo Novillo Saravia (h) and engineer Calixto de la Torre, with whom he had to wait for the arrival of Brigadier Landaburu and write the revolutionary proclamation together with his brother-in-law.
As the hours passed, Captains Ramón E. Molina and Daniel Alberto Correa were ready at the Artillery School along with Lieutenant Augusto Alemanzor, assistant to the head of the Troop Group. On the other hand, at the neighboring Airborne Troops School, Lieutenants Julio Fernández Torres, César Anadón, Eduardo Müller, Bernardo Chávez, Abel Romero, Second Lieutenant Armando Cabrera Carranza and other officers were waiting, ready to begin actions.
When the clocks throughout the country showed 9:00 p.m., General Lonardi, Colonel Ossorio Arana and Brigadier Landaburu, left the Novillo Saravia farm wearing their combat uniforms, and headed to the weekend house that Calixto de la Torre had in the La Carolina neighborhood, somewhat further to the northwest, where they had to meet with other rebel officers to continue towards La Calera, a point where another group of soldiers and civilians were waiting for them to continue from there to the Artillery School5.

Colonel Arturo Ossorio Arana

At that same time, in Buenos Aires, the civil commandos led by Raul Puigbó and Florencio Arnaudo, received a suicidal order: they had to neutralize the state radio stations and then return to the Federal Capital with all their weapons, to guard the Naval Hospital facilities.
The members of the revolutionary high command arrived at the Calixto de la Torre farm one after another, firstly Captains Daniel Alberto Correa and Néstor Ulloa, followed by First Lieutenant Horacio Varela Ortiz, Lieutenants Jorge Ibarzábal and Héctor Nin and Captains Juan José Buasso and Carlos Oruezabala, the latter with orders to receive instructions to leave immediately afterwards to provide support to Major Quijano.
Captain Buasso was the bearer of disturbing news since, during the journey, he had seen movements of strange elements along the way, which were possibly intelligence services loyal to the government. As Lusi Ernesto Lonardi tells it in God is Just, seeing that this was generating some concern among those present, his father said in a firm tone of voice:

-Gentlemen, in every war operation, events do not develop as one wishes. I want to tell you that we must multiply in order to put ourselves in a relationship of one to ten and proceed with brutality. Captain Buasso, go to fulfill his mission.

-At your command, my general! – was the response.

After midnight (00:30), Arturo Ossorio Arana (h) appeared at the De la Torre farm along with two of his friends, Marcelo Gabastou and Iván Villamil, who had come to join the commandos.
It was then that General Lonardi decided to set off, but before doing so, he gathered the group of officers and civilians present around him and reiterated his previous premise to them:

-Gentlemen, we are going to carry out a company of great responsibility. The only instruction I give them is to proceed with the maximum possible brutality.

On the night of September 15, at the Artillery School, located a few kilometers from the city of Córdoba, Captain Ramón Eduardo Molina, following the plan drawn up by the revolutionary high command, took charge of the guard after notifying that night he would serve as a service officer. Once in office, he made it known, through Lieutenant Carlos Alfredo Carpani, that the guard posts were in the hands of the rebels and that was the signal that the group led by General Lonardi was waiting for to march.
Next to that military unit were the facilities of the Troop School
Airborne and in front of both, route in between, their Infantry pair, a powerful combat unit under the command of Colonel Guillermo Brizuela, with more than 2,000 troops under his command. The 13th Infantry Regiment had been merged into the latter when its transfer to Córdoba was ordered and in both, school and regiment, the Justicialist doctrine had taken hold strongly, so the rebel commanders sensed that it was not going to be captured. easy.
Very close by, at the Military Aviation School, captains Jorge Guillamondegui and Hilario Maldonado, the leaders of the rebel group, were awaiting the start of the fight, concerned about a meeting of officers that was taking place at that time. However, at that point, no matter what happened, nothing could prevent the launch of operations.

Following the instructions given, at 11:30 p.m. on September 15, the Artillery, Airborne Troops, and Military Aviation schools began war preparations. In the most absolute silence, provided with their war equipment and wearing combat uniform, their troops proceeded to take positions, turning the artillery pieces and heavy weapons towards the Infantry School and placing several machine gun nests at the pre-established points, after reducing all those sections that had offered some type of resistance. Half an hour later, a DC-3 plane with five rebel Aeronautics officers on board left the Aeroparque in the city of Buenos Aires, with the mission of collaborating in the control of the Espora Base.
Lonardi and his companions arrived at the Artillery School without incident, entering through the back aboard several cars. He was received by Assistant Sergeant Claudio García and Captain Ramón Eduardo Molina, with whom he headed towards the officers' casino after parking the vehicles near the access.
Lonardi was informed of the latest events, the main ones being the arrest of all the non-commissioned officers and the enlistment of the corps of candidates, a hundred soldiers who had to replace the detained troops. Immediately afterwards, he entered the officers' casino followed by Captain Molina, Colonel Ossorio Arana, officers Ezequiel Pereyra and David Uriburu, Marcelo Gabastou, Iván Villamil, Luis Ernesto Lonardi and Arturo Ossorio Arana (h) and with them he went up, gun in hand. hand, to the rooms of Colonel Juan Bautista Turconi, director of the School, located on the first floor.
Once there, Captain Molina opened the door and entered the room.

-"My colonel, I bring you an urgent message," he said and immediately afterwards, he gave way to General Lonardi.
-Surrender, colonel! – It was the order that the leader of the riot gave him while he pointed his 45 pistol at him.

Far from being intimidated, Turconi pounced on the newcomer and began to struggle in order to disarm him. Lonardi fired and the bullet grazed his right ear, forcing him to abandon his attitude. The unit commander was subdued and taken to the infirmary to be treated while the rebel general took control of the School. At that point it was evident that he was determined to act according to the instructions that he himself had given before leaving: “proceed with maximum brutality” and based on this, he ordered Captain Molina to prepare the combat unit:

-Show me the School in the parade ground, ready to go into action.
-At your command, my general!

Minutes later, more than 3,000 troops were waiting outside. The first person to speak to them was Captain Molina, to explain in a firm tone of voice that due to the corruption and arrogance of a government that had been dominating vast sectors of society for some time, the School had revolted. Lonardi spoke next, giving a fiery harangue in which he informed the troops that they were about to enter combat and that all possible firmness and determination was needed. Once it was over, he gave the order to occupy positions and after giving a series of directives to his closest assistants, he headed to his combat position.
The School had 60 heavy-caliber cannons that, in the absence of troops, constituted its main defense system and had soldiers from an Infantry company, a sufficient number to establish a relatively important perimeter, although not enough.
Twelve howitzers, under the command of Major Melitón Quijano, were placed outside the limits of the establishment, pointing towards the right side of the Infantry School, which would have the support of captains José Antonio Buasso, Eduardo Fossatti and Carlos Oruezabala, who acting jointly with other officers would try to cover them from both sides.
Shortly after the School was taken, the first death of that second phase of the revolution occurred.
For several hours, General Alberto Morello had been trying to contact Colonel Brizuela to warn him that something out of the ordinary was happening in the military units of the province and when he could not locate him, he dispatched Lieutenant Colonel Ernesto Félix Frías to the place. the effects of being personally imposed on the situation. Frías boarded a jeep and, accompanied by a driver, headed towards the Infantry School but, in the middle of the route, he ran into a patrol of paratroopers who told him to “stop.” Far from obeying it, he ignored the order and continued moving in the direction of the picket.

-Please don't move, my lieutenant colonel! - shouted the officer in charge when he saw that Frías continued advancing - Stop!!

The outcome was tremendous. As the loyal officer continued to approach the position, the paratroopers opened fire and shot him down just as he drew his weapon. He was left lying on the asphalt, lifeless, in the middle of a pool of blood.
At that precise moment the Infantry School turned on its lights so that the troops could dress and arm themselves, showing that the surprise factor that the revolutionary forces had had had been lost.
In a last attempt to avoid useless bloodshed, Lonardi telephoned the Infantry School to speak with his boss, but Brizuela hung up without engaging in dialogue. And when after a second call he refused to say a word, it became clear that combat was inevitable.
Everything was ready at the Artillery School, with all its pieces pointing at its Infantry pair and its men ready to go into action.
At the Airborne Troops School, meanwhile, Captain Arruabarrena was waiting with all of his deployed personnel. By then, Lonardi had tried, once again, to establish dialogue with Colonel Brizuela and faced with a new refusal, he had no choice but to begin hostilities. With sorrow and pain, although with absolute determination, he headed towards his command post, on top of the water tank of the military unit, accompanied by his old and loyal friend, Colonel Ossorio Arana, and at 1:00 a.m. on September 16 , ordered the attack.

At midnight on September 15, frigate captain Carlos Sánchez Sañudo appeared at the private home of Admiral Rojas, at the Punta Indio Naval Air Base, to announce that the time established by the revolutionary command had arrived.

-Mr. Admiral: it is twelve o'clock.

Rojas, who at that moment was reading a book sitting in one of the armchairs in the living room, sat up and from his telephone called a meeting in his office with all the members of his general staff made up of his commander, Captain Jorge Palma, the Sánchez Sañudo himself as head of Communications, frigate captain Silvio René Casinelli in charge of Operations, his assistant, lieutenant captain Andrés Troppea and the head of the Ríos Squadron, ship captain Fernando Muro de Nadal.
During the conclave, Muro de Nadal questioned the success of the operation due to the lack of committed Army officers and was there, explaining his point of view, when a lieutenant entered the room to announce that General Juan José Uranga He had just arrived, accompanied by two of his nephews, also officers, who were bringing him by car from Rosario. It was the signal that Rojas had been waiting for, which is why, without wasting time, he ordered the enlistment of the destroyers “La Rioja” and “Cervantes”, so that in the first hours of the day they would gain open waters and establish the blockade of the Río de la Silver. At the same time, directives were given to Lieutenant Commander Mariano Queirel to set sail for Martín García Island aboard a torpedo boat, so that the Seamanship School could dispatch all its troops from there in order to reinforce Río Santiago. Immediately afterwards, the base was ordered to ready.
It began at 03:00 in the morning of the 16th when the naval officers, blowing their whistles, turned on the lights in the rooms and ordered the 1st and 2nd year cadets who were sleeping at that time, to get dressed and get dressed. Prepare your bags for boarding. They were struck by the fact that many of those giving the orders were 4th year cadets dressed in combat clothing and that the base was completely illuminated.
When the sailors went out into the hallways, they noticed that there were Army officers who were also wearing combat uniforms and then they understood that something serious was happening.
The troops were led to the study yard and, once there, they were made to form a square. Only then did the cadets realize that the highest authority of the base, Admiral Isaac Francisco Rojas, was there along with other officers, one of whom, frigate captain Bassi (chief of the Corps), gave a step forward to speak.
Through his superior, the cadets heard, astonished, that the Navy had rebelled against the government and was preparing to enter combat to overthrow it. Immediately afterwards, the head of the 4th year cadets announced loudly that anyone who did not agree with what was going to happen should step forward and then waited. The slogan was not to involve those who did not agree with the revolution, making it especially clear that no type of retaliation was going to be taken. As Isidoro Ruiz Moreno says, to his satisfaction and that of his superiors, no one moved.

At that same moment the high school cadets, among whom were the children of Rojas and Rial, were awakened by their boss, Lieutenant Jorge Isaac Anaya6, in charge of informing them of the novelty, before ordering their enlistment to carry out auxiliary and maintenance tasks. guard.
Marines on one side and cadets on the other took up combat positions and several more formed a line to board the naval units to which they had been assigned.

On the destroyers “Cervantes” and “La Rioja”, their commanders, frigate captains Pedro J. Gnavi and Rafael A. Palomeque, supervised the readiness while constantly giving directives. They were to set sail once the preparations had been completed, after receiving the operations plan from Captain Sánchez Sañudo.
The cadets lined up next to the “Hall of Battles”, a large hall decorated with magnificent paintings that represented the main naval battles of our nineteenth-century wars, and from there they marched in columns to embark, greeted by the director of the Naval Academy and the members of their Mayor state.
Once at the docks of the canal that separated the School from the Shipyards, the sailors began to board, the older and better trained ones occupying their positions next to the artillery and communications pieces and the younger ones, the surveillance ones, on the command booth.

In the nearby city of La Plata, Lieutenant Juan Manuel Jiménez Baliani was sleeping next to his wife when a prolonged and insistent ringing woke him up in the middle of the night. Extremely worried, he stayed still in bed because in those days, stories of arrests in the wee hours of the morning were commonplace. He remained motionless for about half a minute, hoping in the depths of his being that it had been a dream, when a second touch startled him. Even in the dark, he could see that his alarm clock showed 04:00 in the morning and that worried him even more.
His wife was awake when she got up. She told her to stay calm and that she was going to see what it was about her, and while she put on her slippers, she went to the front door, without turning on any lights.
Keeping the door closed he asked who he was and on the other side, a weak voice answered:

-Lieutenant Pérez, from the Officer Application School, sir.

Only then did Jiménez Baliani open and look out. He could see that, indeed, it was a Navy officer wearing his uniform, but he did not know him.

"Show me his identification," he said to the newcomer.

The officer obeyed by extending his credentials and after taking a careful look at the document, Jiménez Baliani asked, in a tone that showed annoyance and lack of courtesy.

-What's happening? What does he want?

-I have been given the order to inform him that he must report immediately to his destination. The situation makes this urgent. The readiness of all units has been arranged.

-Very good. "Thank you," he replied. "I'll introduce myself right away."

-I hope so, sir. I have a jeep parked at the door, to take it to the base.

Since Jiménez did not know the officer in front of him, he was suspicious and responded that it was not necessary for him to wait for him because he was going to go in his own car.

-It's going to be late! – insisted the young lieutenant.
-Retreat! -the officer ordered- I will report to my destination immediately. Go fulfill other duties you have.
-Well sir. Good evening - faith the answer, and immediately afterwards, the subaltern boarded his jeep and left.

Jiménez Baliani closed the door and when he saw his wife standing in the hallway, he told her to change her clothes because she had to take him immediately to Río Santiago. They dressed hurriedly and in the middle of the night, they went outside and got into the car that was parked at the door, the woman at the wheel and the officer next to her.
They took the deserted suburban streets and headed towards Ensenada, they entered the open field, previously crossing an emergency neighborhood halfway, where the woman accelerated their march when they thought they saw movements.
They thus arrived at the doors of the Shipyard, where they found the iron gates closed and the guard posted telling them to stop their march while dazzling them by illuminating them with extremely powerful spotlights. Without moving from the vehicle, they saw a Marine Corps officer approaching them, illuminating them with a flashlight. When he arrived at the window, the sailor recognized Lieutenant Jiménez and saluted him:

-Good morning. Where is it going?
-To the shortstop “La Rioja”, where I am stationed.
"Well," was the response, "get out of the car and go to the dock on foot." You better hurry up.

It was dawn when Jiménez Baliani said goodbye to his wife and got out of the car. The young woman remained inside the vehicle, with her hands on the wheel and the engine running, watching as her husband crossed the gate and walked away from her. Only then did she dare to speak to ask the officer on duty if she could stay parked there until she clarified since she was afraid to return alone.

-Sir, could I stay on the side, near the fence, until dawn and there is enough light to return without problems?
"Ma'am," the sailor responded politely, "do you know how to drive well?"
-Yes – she responded.
-Then don't wait a minute. In half an hour the situation will be set up here.” Leave as soon as possible and good luck.
-Thank you – the lady responded. And putting it in first gear, she walked away from the place, filled with deep concern.

Jiménez's wife was returning to her home while her husband hurried along the internal roads of the shipyard in the direction of the docks. It was reckless for him to have had himself taken to the base because the places he had to pass through to and from were unsafe and because a full-scale confrontation was imminent.

Once at the dock, she saw the personnel forming two lines, ready to board and Lieutenant Commander Carlos F. Peralta, her second commander, supervising the alignment with two officers.

From a list, previously prepared, they named the surnames of those who would make up the crew that would go sailing. When someone was named, he responded: Present! and she headed on board.
I introduced myself to the Second Commander who in brief words imposed my obligations on me: prepare the weapons for combat. He had two assistants: the permanent one, who was then Lieutenant Juan R. Ayala Torales, and a temporary one, Lieutenant Federico Ríos, a student at the Officer Application School, who had been designated for this opportunity.

Jiménez Baliani was informed of what was happening and that way he knew that once the personnel had embarked, the ships would set out to sea on a war mission.

Meanwhile, the base was hastily organizing its defensive device under the orders of Captain Carlos Bourel, who for this purpose had Marine Corps troops and Army officers. Sniper posts were located at different points of the facilities and the artillery pieces of the patrol boats “King” and “Murature” were ready, the first of which was undergoing repairs. Once the revolution began, the rebel high command awaited the reaction of the 7th Infantry Regiment and the Command of the II Division based in La Plata under the orders of General Heraclio Ferrazzano, so their movements, at that hour of the morning , they were feverish.

Notes

1. That day, the Scientific and Technical Research Institute of the Armed Forces had organized a shooting demonstration to which military attachés and war correspondents from different countries were specially invited. All the officers of the Artillery School had to attend, almost all of them committed to the uprising.
2. As Isidoro Ruiz Moreno relates, in those days, Captain Rial's home and movements were monitored by security personnel who traveled aboard a car with license plate No. 340 of the province of Buenos Aires.
3. The movement of the troops had to take place in BDI No. 6 and No. 11
4. It was located at the intersection of Buenos Aires and Obispo Oro.
5. The owner of the house, his wife Irene Gravier and his seven children were preparing to spend the weekend at the aforementioned residence. Luis Ernesto Lonardi remembers in Dios es Justo one of them, Irene de la Torre, a charming 15-year-old girl, who prepared and served them food and drinks with great presence of mind, enthusiastic about lending her collaboration.
6. In 1982 he would be the harshest exponent of the Military Junta that unleashed the South Atlantic War.
   

1955 Guerra Civil. La Revolucion Libertadora y la caída de Perón